2015년 2월 1일 일요일

The Memoires of Casanova 3

The Memoires of Casanova 3

My Memoirs are not written for young persons who, in order to avoid
false steps and slippery roads, ought to spend their youth in blissful
ignorance, but for those who, having thorough experience of life, are no
longer exposed to temptation, and who, having but too often gone through
the fire, are like salamanders, and can be scorched by it no more. True
virtue is but a habit, and I have no hesitation in saying that the
really virtuous are those persons who can practice virtue without the
slightest trouble; such persons are always full of toleration, and it is
to them that my Memoirs are addressed.

I have written in French, and not in Italian, because the French
language is more universal than mine, and the purists, who may criticise
in my style some Italian turns will be quite right, but only in case it
should prevent them from understanding me clearly. The Greeks admired
Theophrastus in spite of his Eresian style, and the Romans delighted in
their Livy in spite of his Patavinity. Provided I amuse my readers, it
seems to me that I can claim the same indulgence. After all, every
Italian reads Algarotti with pleasure, although his works are full of
French idioms.

There is one thing worthy of notice: of all the living languages
belonging to the republic of letters, the French tongue is the only one
which has been condemned by its masters never to borrow in order to
become richer, whilst all other languages, although richer in words than
the French, plunder from it words and constructions of sentences,
whenever they find that by such robbery they add something to their own
beauty. Yet those who borrow the most from the French, are the most
forward in trumpeting the poverty of that language, very likely thinking
that such an accusation justifies their depredations. It is said that
the French language has attained the apogee of its beauty, and that the
smallest foreign loan would spoil it, but I make bold to assert that
this is prejudice, for, although it certainly is the most clear, the
most logical of all languages, it would be great temerity to affirm that
it can never go farther or higher than it has gone. We all recollect
that, in the days of Lulli, there was but one opinion of his music, yet
Rameau came and everything was changed. The new impulse given to the
French nation may open new and unexpected horizons, and new beauties,
fresh perfections, may spring up from new combinations and from new
wants.

The motto I have adopted justifies my digressions, and all the
commentaries, perhaps too numerous, in which I indulge upon my various
exploits: 'Nequidquam sapit qui sibi non sapit'. For the same reason I
have always felt a great desire to receive praise and applause from
polite society:


'Excitat auditor stadium, laudataque virtus Crescit, et immensum gloria
calcar habet.

I would willingly have displayed here the proud axiom: 'Nemo laeditur
nisi a se ipso', had I not feared to offend the immense number of
persons who, whenever anything goes wrong with them, are wont to
exclaim, "It is no fault of mine!" I cannot deprive them of that small
particle of comfort, for, were it not for it, they would soon feel
hatred for themselves, and self-hatred often leads to the fatal idea of
self-destruction.

As for myself I always willingly acknowledge my own self as the
principal cause of every good or of every evil which may befall me;
therefore I have always found myself capable of being my own pupil, and
ready to love my teacher.





THE MEMOIRS OF JACQUES CASANOVA



VENETIAN YEARS



EPISODE 1 -- CHILDHOOD



CHAPTER I


My Family Pedigree--My Childhood

Don Jacob Casanova, the illegitimate son of Don Francisco Casanova, was
a native of Saragosa, the capital of Aragon, and in the year of 1428 he
carried off Dona Anna Palofax from her convent, on the day after she had
taken the veil. He was secretary to King Alfonso. He ran away with her
to Rome, where, after one year of imprisonment, the pope, Martin III.,
released Anna from her vows, and gave them the nuptial blessing at the
instance of Don Juan Casanova, majordomo of the Vatican, and uncle of
Don Jacob. All the children born from that marriage died in their
infancy, with the exception of Don Juan, who, in 1475, married Donna
Eleonora Albini, by whom he had a son, Marco Antonio.

In 1481, Don Juan, having killed an officer of the king of Naples, was
compelled to leave Rome, and escaped to Como with his wife and his son;
but having left that city to seek his fortune, he died while traveling
with Christopher Columbus in the year 1493.

Marco Antonio became a noted poet of the school of Martial, and was
secretary to Cardinal Pompeo Colonna.

The satire against Giulio de Medicis, which we find in his works, having
made it necessary for him to leave Rome, he returned to Como, where he
married Abondia Rezzonica. The same Giulio de Medicis, having become
pope under the name of Clement VII, pardoned him and called him back to
Rome with his wife. The city having been taken and ransacked by the
Imperialists in 1526, Marco Antonio died there from an attack of the
plague; otherwise he would have died of misery, the soldiers of Charles
V. having taken all he possessed. Pierre Valerien speaks of him in his
work 'de infelicitate litteratorum'.

Three months after his death, his wife gave birth to Jacques Casanova,
who died in France at a great age, colonel in the army commanded by
Farnese against Henri, king of Navarre, afterwards king of France. He
had left in the city of Parma a son who married Theresa Conti, from whom
he had Jacques, who, in the year 1681, married Anna Roli. Jacques had
two sons, Jean-Baptiste and Gaetan-Joseph-Jacques. The eldest left Parma
in 1712, and was never heard of; the other also went away in 1715, being
only nineteen years old.

This is all I have found in my father's diary: from my mother's lips I
have heard the following particulars:

Gaetan-Joseph-Jacques left his family, madly in love with an actress
named Fragoletta, who performed the chambermaids. In his poverty, he
determined to earn a living by making the most of his own person. At
first he gave himself up to dancing, and five years afterwards became an
actor, making himself conspicuous by his conduct still more than by his
talent.

Whether from fickleness or from jealousy, he abandoned the Fragoletta,
and joined in Venice a troop of comedians then giving performances at
the Saint-Samuel Theatre. Opposite the house in which he had taken his
lodging resided a shoemaker, by name Jerome Farusi, with his wife
Marzia, and Zanetta, their only daughter--a perfect beauty sixteen years
of age. The young actor fell in love with this girl, succeeded in
gaining her affection, and in obtaining her consent to a runaway match.
It was the only way to win her, for, being an actor, he never could have
had Marzia's consent, still less Jerome's, as in their eyes a player was
a most awful individual. The young lovers, provided with the necessary
certificates and accompanied by two witnesses, presented themselves
before the Patriarch of Venice, who performed over them the marriage
ceremony. Marzia, Zanetta's mother, indulged in a good deal of
exclamation, and the father died broken-hearted.

I was born nine months afterwards, on the 2nd of April, 1725.

The following April my mother left me under the care of her own mother,
who had forgiven her as soon as she had heard that my father had
promised never to compel her to appear on the stage. This is a promise
which all actors make to the young girls they marry, and which they
never fulfil, simply because their wives never care much about claiming
from them the performance of it. Moreover, it turned out a very
fortunate thing for my mother that she had studied for the stage, for
nine years later, having been left a widow with six children, she could
not have brought them up if it had not been for the resources she found
in that profession.

I was only one year old when my father left me to go to London, where he
had an engagement. It was in that great city that my mother made her
first appearance on the stage, and in that city likewise that she gave
birth to my brother Francois, a celebrated painter of battles, now
residing in Vienna, where he has followed his profession since 1783.

Towards the end of the year 1728 my mother returned to Venice with her
husband, and as she had become an actress she continued her artistic
life. In 1730 she was delivered of my brother Jean, who became Director
of the Academy of painting at Dresden, and died there in 1795; and
during the three following years she became the mother of two daughters,
one of whom died at an early age, while the other married in Dresden,
where she still lived in 1798. I had also a posthumous brother, who
became a priest; he died in Rome fifteen years ago.

Let us now come to the dawn of my existence in the character of a
thinking being.

The organ of memory began to develop itself in me at the beginning of
August, 1733. I had at that time reached the age of eight years and four
months. Of what may have happened to me before that period I have not
the faintest recollection. This is the circumstance.

I was standing in the corner of a room bending towards the wall,
supporting my head, and my eyes fixed upon a stream of blood flowing
from my nose to the ground. My grandmother, Marzia, whose pet I was,
came to me, bathed my face with cold water, and, unknown to everyone in
the house, took me with her in a gondola as far as Muran, a thickly-
populated island only half a league distant from Venice.

Alighting from the gondola, we enter a wretched hole, where we find an
old woman sitting on a rickety bed, holding a black cat in her arms,
with five or six more purring around her. The two old cronies held
together a long discourse of which, most likely, I was the subject. At
the end of the dialogue, which was carried on in the patois of Forli,
the witch having received a silver ducat from my grandmother, opened a
box, took me in her arms, placed me in the box and locked me in it,
telling me not to be frightened--a piece of advice which would certainly
have had the contrary effect, if I had had any wits about me, but I was
stupefied. I kept myself quiet in a corner of the box, holding a
handkerchief to my nose because it was still bleeding, and otherwise
very indifferent to the uproar going on outside. I could hear in turn,
laughter, weeping, singing, screams, shrieks, and knocking against the
box, but for all that I cared nought. At last I am taken out of the box;
the blood stops flowing. The wonderful old witch, after lavishing
caresses upon me, takes off my clothes, lays me on the bed, burns some
drugs, gathers the smoke in a sheet which she wraps around me,
pronounces incantations, takes the sheet off me, and gives me five
sugar-plums of a very agreeable taste. Then she immediately rubs my
temples and the nape of my neck with an ointment exhaling a delightful
perfume, and puts my clothes on me again. She told me that my
haemorrhage would little by little leave me, provided I should never
disclose to any one what she had done to cure me, and she threatened me,
on the other hand, with the loss of all my blood and with death, should
I ever breathe a word concerning those mysteries. After having thus
taught me my lesson, she informed me that a beautiful lady would pay me
a visit during the following night, and that she would make me happy, on
condition that I should have sufficient control over myself never to
mention to anyone my having received such a visit. Upon this we left and
returned home.

I fell asleep almost as soon as I was in bed, without giving a thought
to the beautiful visitor I was to receive; but, waking up a few hours
afterwards, I saw, or fancied I saw, coming down the chimney, a dazzling
woman, with immense hoops, splendidly attired, and wearing on her head a
crown set with precious stones, which seemed to me sparkling with fire.
With slow steps, but with a majestic and sweet countenance, she came
forward and sat on my bed; then taking several small boxes from her
pocket, she emptied their contents over my head, softly whispering a few
words, and after giving utterance to a long speech, not a single word of
which I understood, she kissed me and disappeared the same way she had
come. I soon went again to sleep.

The next morning, my grandmother came to dress me, and the moment she
was near my bed, she cautioned me to be silent, threatening me with
death if I dared to say anything respecting my night's adventures. This
command, laid upon me by the only woman who had complete authority over
me, and whose orders I was accustomed to obey blindly, caused me to
remember the vision, and to store it, with the seal of secrecy, in the
inmost corner of my dawning memory. I had not, however, the slightest
inclination to mention the circumstances to anyone; in the first place,
because I did not suppose it would interest anybody, and in the second
because I would not have known whom to make a confidant of. My disease
had rendered me dull and retired; everybody pitied me and left me to
myself; my life was considered likely to be but a short one, and as to
my parents, they never spoke to me.

After the journey to Muran, and the nocturnal visit of the fairy, I
continued to have bleeding at the nose, but less from day to day, and my
memory slowly developed itself. I learned to read in less than a month.

It would be ridiculous, of course, to attribute this cure to such
follies, but at the same time I think it would be wrong to assert that
they did not in any way contribute to it. As far as the apparition of
the beautiful queen is concerned, I have always deemed it to be a dream,
unless it should have been some masquerade got up for the occasion, but
it is not always in the druggist's shop that are found the best remedies
for severe diseases. Our ignorance is every day proved by some wonderful
phenomenon, and I believe this to be the reason why it is so difficult
to meet with a learned man entirely untainted with superstition. We
know, as a matter of course, that there never have been any sorcerers in
this world, yet it is true that their power has always existed in the
estimation of those to whom crafty knaves have passed themselves off as
such. 'Somnio nocturnos lemures portentaque Thessalia vides'.

Many things become real which, at first, had no existence but in our
imagination, and, as a natural consequence, many facts which have been
attributed to Faith may not always have been miraculous, although they
are true miracles for those who lend to Faith a boundless power.

The next circumstance of any importance to myself which I recollect
happened three months after my trip to Muran, and six weeks before my
father's death. I give it to my readers only to convey some idea of the
manner in which my nature was expanding.

One day, about the middle of November, I was with my brother Francois,
two years younger than I, in my father's room, watching him attentively
as he was working at optics. A large lump of crystal, round and cut into
facets, attracted my attention. I took it up, and having brought it near
my eyes I was delighted to see that it multiplied objects. The wish to
possess myself of it at once got hold of me, and seeing myself
unobserved I took my opportunity and hid it in my pocket.

A few minutes after this my father looked about for his crystal, and
unable to find it, he concluded that one of us must have taken it. My
brother asserted that he had not touched it, and I, although guilty,
said the same; but my father, satisfied that he could not be mistaken,
threatened to search us and to thrash the one who had told him a story.
I pretended to look for the crystal in every corner of the room, and,
watching my opportunity I slyly slipped it in the pocket of my brother's
jacket. At first I was sorry for what I had done, for I might as well
have feigned to find the crystal somewhere about the room; but the evil
deed was past recall. My father, seeing that we were looking in vain,
lost patience, searched us, found the unlucky ball of crystal in the
pocket of the innocent boy, and inflicted upon him the promised
thrashing. Three or four years later I was foolish enough to boast
before my brother of the trick I had then played on him; he never
forgave me, and has never failed to take his revenge whenever the
opportunity offered.

However, having at a later period gone to confession, and accused myself
to the priest of the sin with every circumstance surrounding it, I
gained some knowledge which afforded me great satisfaction. My
confessor, who was a Jesuit, told me that by that deed I had verified
the meaning of my first name, Jacques, which, he said, meant, in Hebrew,
"supplanter," and that God had changed for that reason the name of the
ancient patriarch into that of Israel, which meant "knowing." He had
deceived his brother Esau.

Six weeks after the above adventure my father was attacked with an
abscess in the head which carried him off in a week. Dr. Zambelli first
gave him oppilative remedies, and, seeing his mistake, he tried to mend
it by administering castoreum, which sent his patient into convulsions
and killed him. The abscess broke out through the ear one minute after
his death, taking its leave after killing him, as if it had no longer
any business with him. My father departed this life in the very prime of
his manhood. He was only thirty-six years of age, but he was followed to
his grave by the regrets of the public, and more particularly of all the
patricians amongst whom he was held as above his profession, not less on
account of his gentlemanly behaviour than on account of his extensive
knowledge in mechanics.

Two days before his death, feeling that his end was at hand, my father
expressed a wish to see us all around his bed, in the presence of his
wife and of the Messieurs Grimani, three Venetian noblemen whose
protection he wished to entreat in our favour. After giving us his
blessing, he requested our mother, who was drowned in tears, to give her
sacred promise that she would not educate any of us for the stage, on
which he never would have appeared himself had he not been led to it by
an unfortunate attachment. My mother gave her promise, and the three
noblemen said that they would see to its being faithfully kept.
Circumstances helped our mother to fulfill her word.

At that time my mother had been pregnant for six months, and she was
allowed to remain away from the stage until after Easter. Beautiful and
young as she was, she declined all the offers of marriage which were
made to her, and, placing her trust in Providence, she courageously
devoted herself to the task of bringing up her young family.

She considered it a duty to think of me before the others, not so much
from a feeling of preference as in consequence of my disease, which had
such an effect upon me that it was difficult to know what to do with me.
I was very weak, without any appetite, unable to apply myself to
anything, and I had all the appearance of an idiot. Physicians disagreed
as to the cause of the disease. He loses, they would say, two pounds of
blood every week; yet there cannot be more than sixteen or eighteen
pounds in his body. What, then, can cause so abundant a bleeding? One
asserted that in me all the chyle turned into blood; another was of
opinion that the air I was breathing must, at each inhalation, increase
the quantity of blood in my lungs, and contended that this was the
reason for which I always kept my mouth open. I heard of it all six
years afterward from M. Baffo, a great friend of my late father.

This M. Baffo consulted the celebrated Doctor Macop, of Padua, who sent
him his opinion by writing. This consultation, which I have still in my
possession, says that our blood is an elastic fluid which is liable to
diminish or to increase in thickness, but never in quantity, and that my
haemorrhage could only proceed from the thickness of the mass of my
blood, which relieved itself in a natural way in order to facilitate
circulation. The doctor added that I would have died long before, had
not nature, in its wish for life, assisted itself, and he concluded by
stating that the cause of the thickness of my blood could only be
ascribed to the air I was breathing and that consequently I must have a
change of air, or every hope of cure be abandoned. He thought likewise,
that the stupidity so apparent on my countenance was caused by nothing
else but the thickness of my blood.

M. Baffo, a man of sublime genius, a most lascivious, yet a great and
original poet, was therefore instrumental in bringing about the decision
which was then taken to send me to Padua, and to him I am indebted for
my life. He died twenty years after, the last of his ancient patrician
family, but his poems, although obscene, will give everlasting fame to
his name. The state-inquisitors of Venice have contributed to his
celebrity by their mistaken strictness. Their persecutions caused his
manuscript works to become precious. They ought to have been aware that
despised things are forgotten.

As soon as the verdict given by Professor Macop had been approved of,
the Abbe Grimani undertook to find a good boarding-house in Padua for
me, through a chemist of his acquaintance who resided in that city. His
name was Ottaviani, and he was also an antiquarian of some repute. In a
few days the boarding-house was found, and on the 2nd day of April,
1734, on the very day I had accomplished my ninth year, I was taken to
Padua in a 'burchiello', along the Brenta Canal. We embarked at ten
o'clock in the evening, immediately after supper.

The 'burchiello' may be considered a small floating house. There is a
large saloon with a smaller cabin at each end, and rooms for servants
fore and aft. It is a long square with a roof, and cut on each side by
glazed windows with shutters. The voyage takes eight hours. M. Grimani,
M. Baffo, and my mother accompanied me. I slept with her in the saloon,
and the two friends passed the night in one of the cabins. My mother
rose at day break, opened one of the windows facing the bed, and the
rays of the rising sun, falling on my eyes, caused me to open them. The
bed was too low for me to see the land; I could see through the window
only the tops of the trees along the river. The boat was sailing with
such an even movement that I could not realize the fact of our moving,
so that the trees, which, one after the other, were rapidly disappearing
from my sight, caused me an extreme surprise. "Ah, dear mother!" I
exclaimed, "what is this? the trees are walking!" At that very moment
the two noblemen came in, and reading astonishment on my countenance,
they asked me what my thoughts were so busy about. "How is it," I
answered, "that the trees are walking."

They all laughed, but my mother, heaving a great sigh, told me, in a
tone of deep pity, "The boat is moving, the trees are not. Now dress
yourself."

I understood at once the reason of the phenomenon. "Then it may be,"
said I, "that the sun does not move, and that we, on the contrary, are
revolving from west to east." At these words my good mother fairly
screamed. M. Grimani pitied my foolishness, and I remained dismayed,
grieved, and ready to cry. M. Baffo brought me life again. He rushed to
me, embraced me tenderly, and said, "Thou are right, my child. The sun
does not move; take courage, give heed to your reasoning powers and let
others laugh."

My mother, greatly surprised, asked him whether he had taken leave of
his senses to give me such lessons; but the philosopher, not even
condescending to answer her, went on sketching a theory in harmony with
my young and simple intelligence. This was the first real pleasure I
enjoyed in my life. Had it not been for M. Baffo, this circumstance
might have been enough to degrade my understanding; the weakness of
credulity would have become part of my mind. The ignorance of the two
others would certainly have blunted in me the edge of a faculty which,
perhaps, has not carried me very far in my after life, but to which
alone I feel that I am indebted for every particle of happiness I enjoy
when I look into myself.

We reached Padua at an early hour and went to Ottaviani's house; his
wife loaded me with caresses. I found there five or six children,
amongst them a girl of eight years, named Marie, and another of seven,
Rose, beautiful as a seraph. Ten years later Marie became the wife of
the broker Colonda, and Rose, a few years afterwards, married a
nobleman, Pierre Marcello, and had one son and two daughters, one of
whom was wedded to M. Pierre Moncenigo, and the other to a nobleman of
the Carrero family. This last marriage was afterwards nullified. I shall
have, in the course of events, to speak of all these persons, and that
is my reason for mentioning their names here.

Ottaviani took us at once to the house where I was to board. It was only
a few yards from his own residence, at Sainte-Marie d'Advance, in the
parish of Saint-Michel, in the house of an old Sclavonian woman, who let
the first floor to Signora Mida, wife of a Sclavonian colonel. My small
trunk was laid open before the old woman, to whom was handed an
inventory of all its contents, together with six sequins for six months
paid in advance. For this small sum she undertook to feed me, to keep me
clean, and to send me to a day-school. Protesting that it was not
enough, she accepted these terms. I was kissed and strongly commanded to
be always obedient and docile, and I was left with her.

In this way did my family get rid of me.





CHAPTER II


My Grandmother Comes to Padua, and Takes Me to Dr. Gozzi's School--My
First Love Affair

As soon as I was left alone with the Sclavonian woman, she took me up to
the garret, where she pointed out my bed in a row with four others,
three of which belonged to three young boys of my age, who at that
moment were at school, and the fourth to a servant girl whose province
it was to watch us and to prevent the many peccadilloes in which school-
boys are wont to indulge. After this visit we came downstairs, and I was
taken to the garden with permission to walk about until dinner-time.

I felt neither happy nor unhappy; I had nothing to say. I had neither
fear nor hope, nor even a feeling of curiosity; I was neither cheerful
nor sad. The only thing which grated upon me was the face of the
mistress of the house. Although I had not the faintest idea either of
beauty or of ugliness, her face, her countenance, her tone of voice, her
language, everything in that woman was repulsive to me. Her masculine
features repelled me every time I lifted my eyes towards her face to
listen to what she said to me. She was tall and coarse like a trooper;
her complexion was yellow, her hair black, her eyebrows long and thick,
and her chin gloried in a respectable bristly beard: to complete the
picture, her hideous, half-naked bosom was hanging half-way down her
long chest; she may have been about fifty. The servant was a stout
country girl, who did all the work of the house; the garden was a square
of some thirty feet, which had no other beauty than its green
appearance.

Towards noon my three companions came back from school, and they at once
spoke to me as if we had been old acquaintances, naturally giving me
credit for such intelligence as belonged to my age, but which I did not
possess. I did not answer them, but they were not baffled, and they at
last prevailed upon me to share their innocent pleasures. I had to run,
to carry and be carried, to turn head over heels, and I allowed myself
to be initiated into those arts with a pretty good grace until we were
summoned to dinner. I sat down to the table; but seeing before me a
wooden spoon, I pushed it back, asking for my silver spoon and fork to
which I was much attached, because they were a gift from my good old
granny. The servant answered that the mistress wished to maintain
equality between the boys, and I had to submit, much to my disgust.
Having thus learned that equality in everything was the rule of the
house, I went to work like the others and began to eat the soup out of
the common dish, and if I did not complain of the rapidity with which my
companions made it disappear, I could not help wondering at such
inequality being allowed. To follow this very poor soup, we had a small
portion of dried cod and one apple each, and dinner was over: it was in
Lent. We had neither glasses nor cups, and we all helped ourselves out
of the same earthen pitcher to a miserable drink called graspia, which
is made by boiling in water the stems of grapes stripped of their fruit.
From the following day I drank nothing but water. This way of living
surprised me, for I did not know whether I had a right to complain of
it. After dinner the servant took me to the school, kept by a young
priest, Doctor Gozzi, with whom the Sclavonian woman had bargained for
my schooling at the rate of forty sous a month, or the eleventh part of
a sequin.

The first thing to do was to teach me writing, and I was placed amongst
children of five and six years, who did not fail to turn me into
ridicule on account of my age.

On my return to the boarding-house I had my supper, which, as a matter
of course, was worse than the dinner, and I could not make out why the
right of complaint should be denied me. I was then put to bed, but there
three well-known species of vermin kept me awake all night, besides the
rats, which, running all over the garret, jumped on my bed and fairly
made my blood run cold with fright. This is the way in which I began to
feel misery, and to learn how to suffer it patiently. The vermin, which
feasted upon me, lessened my fear of the rats, and by a very lucky
system of compensation, the dread of the rats made me less sensitive to
the bites of the vermin. My mind was reaping benefit from the very
struggle fought between the evils which surrounded me. The servant was
perfectly deaf to my screaming.

As soon as it was daylight I ran out of the wretched garret, and, after
complaining to the girl of all I had endured during the night, I asked
her to give me a Clean shirt, the one I had on being disgusting to look
at, but she answered that I could only change my linen on a Sunday, and
laughed at me when I threatened to complain to the mistress. For the
first time in my life I shed tears of sorrow and of anger, when I heard
my companions scoffing at me. The poor wretches shared my unhappy
condition, but they were used to it, and that makes all the difference.

Sorely depressed, I went to school, but only to sleep soundly through
the morning. One of my comrades, in the hope of turning the affair into
ridicule at my expense, told the doctor the reason of my being so
sleepy. The good priest, however, to whom without doubt Providence had
guided me, called me into his private room, listened to all I had to
say, saw with his own eyes the proofs of my misery, and moved by the
sight of the blisters which disfigured my innocent skin, he took up his
cloak, went with me to my boarding-house, and shewed the woman the state
I was in. She put on a look of great astonishment, and threw all the
blame upon the servant. The doctor being curious to see my bed, I was,
as much as he was, surprised at the filthy state of the sheets in which
I had passed the night. The accursed woman went on blaming the servant,
and said that she would discharge her; but the girl, happening to be
close by, and not relishing the accusation, told her boldly that the
fault was her own, and she then threw open the beds of my companions to
shew us that they did not experience any better treatment. The mistress,
raving, slapped her on the face, and the servant, to be even with her,
returned the compliment and ran away. The doctor left me there, saying
that I could not enter his school unless I was sent to him as clean as
the other boys. The result for me was a very sharp rebuke, with the
threat, as a finishing stroke, that if I ever caused such a broil again,
I would be ignominiously turned out of the house.

I could not make it out; I had just entered life, and I had no knowledge
of any other place but the house in which I had been born, in which I
had been brought up, and in which I had always seen cleanliness and
honest comfort. Here I found myself ill-treated, scolded, although it
did not seem possible that any blame could be attached to me. At last
the old shrew tossed a shirt in my face, and an hour later I saw a new
servant changing the sheets, after which we had our dinner.

My schoolmaster took particular care in instructing me. He gave me a
seat at his own desk, and in order to shew my proper appreciation of
such a favour, I gave myself up to my studies; at the end of the first
month I could write so well that I was promoted to the grammar class.

The new life I was leading, the half-starvation system to which I was
condemned, and most likely more than everything else, the air of Padua,
brought me health such as I had never enjoyed before, but that very
state of blooming health made it still more difficult for me to bear the
hunger which I was compelled to endure; it became unbearable. I was
growing rapidly; I enjoyed nine hours of deep sleep, unbroken by any
dreams, save that I always fancied myself sitting at a well-spread
table, and gratifying my cruel appetite, but every morning I could
realize in full the vanity and the unpleasant disappointment of
flattering dreams! This ravenous appetite would at last have weakened me
to death, had I not made up my mind to pounce upon, and to swallow,
every kind of eatables I could find, whenever I was certain of not being
seen.

Necessity begets ingenuity. I had spied in a cupboard of the kitchen
some fifty red herrings; I devoured them all one after the other, as
well as all the sausages which were hanging in the chimney to be smoked;
and in order to accomplish those feats without being detected, I was in
the habit of getting up at night and of undertaking my foraging
expeditions under the friendly veil of darkness. Every new-laid egg I
could discover in the poultry-yard, quite warm and scarcely dropped by
the hen, was a most delicious treat. I would even go as far as the
kitchen of the schoolmaster in the hope of pilfering something to eat.

The Sclavonian woman, in despair at being unable to catch the thieves,
turned away servant after servant. But, in spite of all my expeditions,
as I could not always find something to steal, I was as thin as a
walking skeleton.

My progress at school was so rapid during four or five months that the
master promoted me to the rank of dux. My province was to examine the
lessons of my thirty school-fellows, to correct their mistakes and
report to the master with whatever note of blame or of approval I
thought they deserved; but my strictness did not last long, for idle
boys soon found out the way to enlist my sympathy. When their Latin
lesson was full of mistakes, they would buy me off with cutlets and
roast chickens; they even gave me money. These proceedings excited my
covetousness, or, rather, my gluttony, and, not satisfied with levying a
tax upon the ignorant, I became a tyrant, and I refused well-merited
approbation to all those who declined paying the contribution I
demanded. At last, unable to bear my injustice any longer, the boys
accused me, and the master, seeing me convicted of extortion, removed me
from my exalted position. I would very likely have fared badly after my
dismissal, had not Fate decided to put an end to my cruel
apprenticeship.

Doctor Gozzi, who was attached to me, called me privately one day into
his study, and asked me whether I would feel disposed to carry out the
advice he would give me in order to bring about my removal from the
house of the Sclavonian woman, and my admission in his own family.
Finding me delighted at such an offer, he caused me to copy three
letters which I sent, one to the Abbe Grimani, another to my friend
Baffo, and the last to my excellent grandam. The half-year was nearly
out, and my mother not being in Venice at that period there was no time
to lose.

In my letters I gave a description of all my sufferings, and I
prognosticated my death were I not immediately removed from my boarding-
house and placed under the care of my school-master, who was disposed to
receive me; but he wanted two sequins a month.

M. Grimani did not answer me, and commissioned his friend Ottaviani to
scold me for allowing myself to be ensnared by the doctor; but M. Baffo
went to consult with my grandmother, who could not write, and in a
letter which he addressed to me he informed me that I would soon find
myself in a happier situation. And, truly, within a week the excellent
old woman, who loved me until her death, made her appearance as I was
sitting down to my dinner. She came in with the mistress of the house,
and the moment I saw her I threw my arms around her neck, crying
bitterly, in which luxury the old lady soon joined me. She sat down and
took me on her knees; my courage rose again. In the presence of the
Sclavonian woman I enumerated all my grievances, and after calling her
attention to the food, fit only for beggars, which I was compelled to
swallow, I took her upstairs to shew her my bed. I begged her to take me
out and give me a good dinner after six months of such starvation. The
boarding-house keeper boldly asserted that she could not afford better
for the amount she had received, and there was truth in that, but she
had no business to keep house and to become the tormentor of poor
children who were thrown on her hands by stinginess, and who required to
be properly fed.

My grandmother very quietly intimated her intention to take me away
forthwith, and asked her to put all my things in my trunk. I cannot
express my joy during these preparations. For the first time I felt that
kind of happiness which makes forgiveness compulsory upon the being who
enjoys it, and causes him to forget all previous unpleasantness. My
grandmother took me to the inn, and dinner was served, but she could
hardly eat anything in her astonishment at the voracity with which I was
swallowing my food. In the meantime Doctor Gozzi, to whom she had sent
notice of her arrival, came in, and his appearance soon prepossessed her
in his favour. He was then a fine-looking priest, twenty-six years of
age, chubby, modest, and respectful. In less than a quarter of an hour
everything was satisfactorily arranged between them. The good old lady
counted out twenty-four sequins for one year of my schooling, and took a
receipt for the same, but she kept me with her for three days in order
to have me clothed like a priest, and to get me a wig, as the filthy
state of my hair made it necessary to have it all cut off.

At the end of the three days she took me to the doctor's house, so as to
see herself to my installation and to recommend me to the doctor's
mother, who desired her to send or to buy in Padua a bedstead and
bedding; but the doctor having remarked that, his own bed being very
wide, I might sleep with him, my grandmother expressed her gratitude for
all his kindness, and we accompanied her as far as the burchiello she
had engaged to return to Venice.

The family of Doctor Gozzi was composed of his mother, who had great
reverence for him, because, a peasant by birth, she did not think
herself worthy of having a son who was a priest, and still more a doctor
in divinity; she was plain, old, and cross; and of his father, a
shoemaker by trade, working all day long and never addressing a word to
anyone, not even during the meals. He only became a sociable being on
holidays, on which occasions he would spend his time with his friends in
some tavern, coming home at midnight as drunk as a lord and singing
verses from Tasso. When in this blissful state the good man could not
make up his mind to go to bed, and became violent if anyone attempted to
compel him to lie down. Wine alone gave him sense and spirit, for when
sober he was incapable of attending to the simplest family matter, and
his wife often said that he never would have married her had not his
friends taken care to give him a good breakfast before he went to the
church.

But Doctor Gozzi had also a sister, called Bettina, who at the age of
thirteen was pretty, lively, and a great reader of romances. Her father
and mother scolded her constantly because she was too often looking out
of the window, and the doctor did the same on account of her love for
reading. This girl took at once my fancy without my knowing why, and
little by little she kindled in my heart the first spark of a passion
which, afterwards became in me the ruling one.

Six months after I had been an inmate in the house, the doctor found
himself without scholars; they all went away because I had become the
sole object of his affection. He then determined to establish a college,
and to receive young boys as boarders; but two years passed before he
met with any success. During that period he taught me everything he
knew; true, it was not much; yet it was enough to open to me the high
road to all sciences. He likewise taught me the violin, an
accomplishment which proved very useful to me in a peculiar
circumstance, the particulars of which I will give in good time. The
excellent doctor, who was in no way a philosopher, made me study the
logic of the Peripatetics, and the cosmography of the ancient system of
Ptolemy, at which I would laugh, teasing the poor doctor with theorems
to which he could find no answer. His habits, moreover, were
irreproachable, and in all things connected with religion, although no
bigot, he was of the greatest strictness, and, admitting everything as
an article of faith, nothing appeared difficult to his conception. He
believed the deluge to have been universal, and he thought that, before
that great cataclysm, men lived a thousand years and conversed with God,
that Noah took one hundred years to build the ark, and that the earth,
suspended in the air, is firmly held in the very centre of the universe
which God had created from nothing. When I would say and prove that it
was absurd to believe in the existence of nothingness, he would stop me
short and call me a fool.

He could enjoy a good bed, a glass of wine, and cheerfulness at home. He
did not admire fine wits, good jests or criticism, because it easily
turns to slander, and he would laugh at the folly of men reading
newspapers which, in his opinion, always lied and constantly repeated
the same things. He asserted that nothing was more troublesome than
incertitude, and therefore he condemned thought because it gives birth
to doubt.

His ruling passion was preaching, for which his face and his voice
qualified him; his congregation was almost entirely composed of women of
whom, however, he was the sworn enemy; so much so, that he would not
look them in the face even when he spoke to them. Weakness of the flesh
and fornication appeared to him the most monstrous of sins, and he would
be very angry if I dared to assert that, in my estimation, they were the
most venial of faults. His sermons were crammed with passages from the
Greek authors, which he translated into Latin. One day I ventured to
remark that those passages ought to be translated into Italian because
women did not understand Latin any more than Greek, but he took offence,
and I never had afterwards the courage to allude any more to the matter.
Moreover he praised me to his friends as a wonder, because I had learned
to read Greek alone, without any assistance but a grammar.

During Lent, in the year 1736, my mother, wrote to the doctor; and, as
she was on the point of her departure for St. Petersburg, she wished to
see me, and requested him to accompany me to Venice for three or four
days. This invitation set him thinking, for he had never seen Venice,
never frequented good company, and yet he did not wish to appear a
novice in anything. We were soon ready to leave Padua, and all the
family escorted us to the 'burchiello'.

My mother received the doctor with a most friendly welcome; but she was
strikingly beautiful, and my poor master felt very uncomfortable, not
daring to look her in the face, and yet called upon to converse with
her. She saw the dilemma he was in, and thought she would have some
amusing sport about it should opportunity present itself. I, in the
meantime, drew the attention of everyone in her circle; everybody had
known me as a fool, and was amazed at my improvement in the short space
of two years. The doctor was overjoyed, because he saw that the full
credit of my transformation was given to him.

The first thing which struck my mother unpleasantly was my light-
coloured wig, which was not in harmony with my dark complexion, and
contrasted most woefully with my black eyes and eyebrows. She inquired
from the doctor why I did not wear my own hair, and he answered that,
with a wig, it was easier for his sister to keep me clean. Everyone
smiled at the simplicity of the answer, but the merriment increased
when, to the question made by my mother whether his sister was married,
I took the answer upon myself, and said that Bettina was the prettiest
girl of Padua, and was only fourteen years of age. My mother promised
the doctor a splendid present for his sister on condition that she would
let me wear my own hair, and he promised that her wishes would be
complied with. The peruke-maker was then called, and I had a wig which
matched my complexion.

Soon afterwards all the guests began to play cards, with the exception
of my master, and I went to see my brothers in my grandmother's room.
Francois shewed me some architectural designs which I pretended to
admire; Jean had nothing to skew me, and I thought him a rather
insignificant boy. The others were still very young.

At the supper-table, the doctor, seated next to my mother, was very
awkward. He would very likely not have said one word, had not an
Englishman, a writer of talent, addressed him in Latin; but the doctor,
being unable to make him out, modestly answered that he did not
understand English, which caused much hilarity. M. Baffo, however,
explained the puzzle by telling us that Englishmen read and pronounced
Latin in the same way that they read and spoke their own language, and I
remarked that Englishmen were wrong as much as we would be, if we
pretended to read and to pronounce their language according to Latin
rules. The Englishman, pleased with my reasoning, wrote down the
following old couplet, and gave it to me to read:


'Dicite, grammatici, cur mascula nomina cunnus, Et cur femineum mentula
nomen habet.'

After reading it aloud, I exclaimed, "This is Latin indeed."

"We know that," said my mother, "but can you explain it?"

"To explain it is not enough," I answered; "it is a question which is
worthy of an answer." And after considering for a moment, I wrote the
following pentameter:


'Disce quod a domino nomina servus habet.'

This was my first literary exploit, and I may say that in that very
instant the seed of my love for literary fame was sown in my breast, for
the applause lavished upon me exalted me to the very pinnacle of
happiness. The Englishman, quite amazed at my answer, said that no boy
of eleven years had ever accomplished such a feat, embraced me
repeatedly, and presented me with his watch. My mother, inquisitive like
a woman, asked M. Grimani to tell her the meaning of the lines, but as
the abbe was not any wiser than she was M. Baffo translated it in a
whisper. Surprised at my knowledge, she rose from her chair to get a
valuable gold watch and presented to my master, who, not knowing how to
express his deep gratitude, treated us to the most comic scene. My
mother, in order to save him from the difficulty of paying her a
compliment, offered him her cheek. He had only to give her a couple of
kisses, the easiest and the most innocent thing in good company; but the
poor man was on burning coals, and so completely out of countenance that
he would, I truly believe, rather have died than give the kisses. He drew back with his head down, and he was allowed to remain in peace until we retired for the night.

The Memoires of Casanova 2

The Memoires of Casanova 2

Here is an argument more in keeping with the tone of the Memoirs:

A girl who is pretty and good, and as virtuous as you please, ought not
to take it ill that a man, carried away by her charms, should set
himself to the task of making their conquest. If this man cannot please
her by any means, even if his passion be criminal, she ought never to
take offence at it, nor treat him unkindly; she ought to be gentle, and
pity him, if she does not love him, and think it enough to keep
invincibly hold upon her own duty.

Occasionally he touches upon aesthetical matters, as in a fragment which
begins with this liberal definition of beauty:

Harmony makes beauty, says M. de S. P. (Bernardin de St. Pierre), but
the definition is too short, if he thinks he has said everything. Here
is mine. Remember that the subject is metaphysical. An object really
beautiful ought to seem beautiful to all whose eyes fall upon it. That
is all; there is nothing more to be said.

At times we have an anecdote and its commentary, perhaps jotted down for
use in that latter part of the Memoirs which was never written, or which
has been lost. Here is a single sheet, dated 'this 2nd September, 1791,'
and headed Souvenir:

The Prince de Rosenberg said to me, as we went down stairs, that Madame
de Rosenberg was dead, and asked me if the Comte de Waldstein had in the
library the illustration of the Villa d'Altichiero, which the Emperor
had asked for in vain at the city library of Prague, and when I answered
'yes,' he gave an equivocal laugh. A moment afterwards, he asked me if
he might tell the Emperor. 'Why not, monseigneur? It is not a secret,
'Is His Majesty coming to Dux?' 'If he goes to Oberlaitensdorf (sic) he
will go to Dux, too; and he may ask you for it, for there is a monument
there which relates to him when he was Grand Duke.' 'In that case, His
Majesty can also see my critical remarks on the Egyptian prints.'

The Emperor asked me this morning, 6th October, how I employed my time
at Dux, and I told him that I was making an Italian anthology. 'You have
all the Italians, then?' 'All, sire.' See what a lie leads to. If I had
not lied in saying that I was making an anthology, I should not have
found myself obliged to lie again in saying that we have all the Italian
poets. If the Emperor comes to Dux, I shall kill myself.

'They say that this Dux is a delightful spot,' says Casanova in one of
the most personal of his notes, 'and I see that it might be for many;
but not for me, for what delights me in my old age is independent of the
place which I inhabit. When I do not sleep I dream, and when I am tired
of dreaming I blacken paper, then I read, and most often reject all that
my pen has vomited.' Here we see him blackening paper, on every
occasion, and for every purpose. In one bundle I found an unfinished
story about Roland, and some adventure with women in a cave; then a
'Meditation on arising from sleep, 19th May 1789'; then a 'Short
Reflection of a Philosopher who finds himself thinking of procuring his
own death. At Dux, on getting out of bed on 13th October 1793, day
dedicated to St. Lucy, memorable in my too long life.' A big budget,
containing cryptograms, is headed 'Grammatical Lottery'; and there is
the title-page of a treatise on The Duplication of the Hexahedron,
demonstrated geometrically to all the Universities and all the Academies
of Europe.' [See Charles Henry, Les Connaissances Mathimatiques de
Casanova. Rome, 1883.] There are innumerable verses, French and Italian,
in all stages, occasionally attaining the finality of these lines, which
appear in half a dozen tentative forms:


'Sans mystere point de plaisirs, Sans silence point de mystere. Charme
divin de mes loisirs, Solitude! que tu mes chere!

Then there are a number of more or less complete manuscripts of some
extent. There is the manuscript of the translation of Homer's 'Iliad, in
ottava rima (published in Venice, 1775-8); of the 'Histoire de Venise,'
of the 'Icosameron,' a curious book published in 1787, purporting to be
'translated from English,' but really an original work of Casanova;
'Philocalies sur les Sottises des Mortels,' a long manuscript never
published; the sketch and beginning of 'Le Pollmarque, ou la Calomnie
demasquee par la presence d'esprit. Tragicomedie en trois actes,
composed a Dux dans le mois de Juin de l'Annee, 1791,' which recurs
again under the form of the 'Polemoscope: La Lorgnette menteuse ou la
Calomnie demasquge,' acted before the Princess de Ligne, at her chateau
at Teplitz, 1791. There is a treatise in Italian, 'Delle Passioni';
there are long dialogues, such as 'Le Philosophe et le Theologien', and
'Reve': 'Dieu-Moi'; there is the 'Songe d'un Quart d'Heure', divided
into minutes; there is the very lengthy criticism of 'Bernardin de
Saint-Pierre'; there is the 'Confutation d'une Censure indiscrate qu'on
lit dans la Gazette de Iena, 19 Juin 1789'; with another large
manuscript, unfortunately imperfect, first called 'L'Insulte', and then
'Placet au Public', dated 'Dux, this 2nd March, 1790,' referring to the
same criticism on the 'Icosameron' and the 'Fuite des Prisons.
L'Histoire de ma Fuite des Prisons de la Republique de Venise, qu'on
appelle les Plombs', which is the first draft of the most famous part of
the Memoirs, was published at Leipzig in 1788; and, having read it in
the Marcian Library at Venice, I am not surprised to learn from this
indignant document that it was printed 'under the care of a young Swiss,
who had the talent to commit a hundred faults of orthography.'

III. We come now to the documents directly relating to the Memoirs, and
among these are several attempts at a preface, in which we see the
actual preface coming gradually into form. One is entitled 'Casanova au
Lecteur', another 'Histoire de mon Existence', and a third Preface.
There is also a brief and characteristic 'Precis de ma vie', dated
November 17, 1797. Some of these have been printed in Le Livre, 1887.
But by far the most important manuscript that I discovered, one which,
apparently, I am the first to discover, is a manuscript entitled
'Extrait du Chapitre 4 et 5. It is written on paper similar to that on
which the Memoirs are written; the pages are numbered 104-148; and
though it is described as Extrait, it seems to contain, at all events,
the greater part of the missing chapters to which I have already
referred, Chapters IV. and V. of the last volume of the Memoirs. In this
manuscript we find Armeline and Scolastica, whose story is interrupted
by the abrupt ending of Chapter III.; we find Mariuccia of Vol. VII,
Chapter IX., who married a hairdresser; and we find also Jaconine, whom
Casanova recognises as his daughter, 'much prettier than Sophia, the
daughter of Therese Pompeati, whom I had left at London.' It is curious
that this very important manuscript, which supplies the one missing link
in the Memoirs, should never have been discovered by any of the few
people who have had the opportunity of looking over the Dux manuscripts.
I am inclined to explain it by the fact that the case in which I found
this manuscript contains some papers not relating to Casanova. Probably,
those who looked into this case looked no further. I have told Herr
Brockhaus of my discovery, and I hope to see Chapters IV. and V. in
their places when the long-looked-for edition of the complete text is at
length given to the world.

Another manuscript which I found tells with great piquancy the whole
story of the Abbe de Brosses' ointment, the curing of the Princess de
Conti's pimples, and the birth of the Duc de Montpensier, which is told
very briefly, and with much less point, in the Memoirs (vol. iii., p.
327). Readers of the Memoirs will remember the duel at Warsaw with Count
Branicki in 1766 (vol. X., pp. 274-320), an affair which attracted a
good deal of attention at the time, and of which there is an account in
a letter from the Abbe Taruffi to the dramatist, Francesco Albergati,
dated Warsaw, March 19, 1766, quoted in Ernesto Masi's Life of
Albergati, Bologna, 1878. A manuscript at Dux in Casanova's handwriting
gives an account of this duel in the third person; it is entitled,
'Description de l'affaire arrivee a Varsovie le 5 Mars, 1766'. D'Ancona,
in the Nuova Antologia (vol. lxvii., p. 412), referring to the Abbe
Taruffi's account, mentions what he considers to be a slight
discrepancy: that Taruffi refers to the danseuse, about whom the duel
was fought, as La Casacci, while Casanova refers to her as La Catai. In
this manuscript Casanova always refers to her as La Casacci; La Catai is
evidently one of M. Laforgue's arbitrary alterations of the text.

In turning over another manuscript, I was caught by the name Charpillon,
which every reader of the Memoirs will remember as the name of the harpy
by whom Casanova suffered so much in London, in 1763-4. This manuscript
begins by saying: 'I have been in London for six months and have been to
see them (that is, the mother and daughter) in their own house,' where
he finds nothing but 'swindlers, who cause all who go there to lose
their money in gambling.' This manuscript adds some details to the story
told in the ninth and tenth volumes of the Memoirs, and refers to the
meeting with the Charpillons four and a half years before, described in
Volume V., pages 428-485. It is written in a tone of great indignation.
Elsewhere, I found a letter written by Casanova, but not signed,
referring to an anonymous letter which he had received in reference to
the Charpillons, and ending: 'My handwriting is known.' It was not until
the last that I came upon great bundles of letters addressed to
Casanova, and so carefully preserved that little scraps of paper, on
which postscripts are written, are still in their places. One still sees
the seals on the backs of many of the letters, on paper which has
slightly yellowed with age, leaving the ink, however, almost always
fresh. They come from Venice, Paris, Rome, Prague, Bayreuth, The Hague,
Genoa, Fiume, Trieste, etc., and are addressed to as many places, often
poste restante. Many are letters from women, some in beautiful
handwriting, on thick paper; others on scraps of paper, in painful
hands, ill-spelt. A Countess writes pitifully, imploring help; one
protests her love, in spite of the 'many chagrins' he has caused her;
another asks 'how they are to live together'; another laments that a
report has gone about that she is secretly living with him, which may
harm his reputation. Some are in French, more in Italian. 'Mon cher
Giacometto', writes one woman, in French; 'Carissimo a Amatissimo',
writes another, in Italian. These letters from women are in some
confusion, and are in need of a good deal of sorting over and
rearranging before their full extent can be realised. Thus I found
letters in the same handwriting separated by letters in other
handwritings; many are unsigned, or signed only by a single initial;
many are undated, or dated only with the day of the week or month. There
are a great many letters, dating from 1779 to 1786, signed 'Francesca
Buschini,' a name which I cannot identify; they are written in Italian,
and one of them begins: 'Unico Mio vero Amico' ('my only true friend').
Others are signed 'Virginia B.'; one of these is dated, 'Forli, October
15, 1773.' There is also a 'Theresa B.,' who writes from Genoa. I was at
first unable to identify the writer of a whole series of letters in
French, very affectionate and intimate letters, usually unsigned,
occasionally signed 'B.' She calls herself votre petite amie; or she
ends with a half-smiling, half-reproachful 'goodnight, and sleep better
than I' In one letter, sent from Paris in 1759, she writes: 'Never
believe me, but when I tell you that I love you, and that I shall love
you always: In another letter, ill-spelt, as her letters often are, she
writes: 'Be assured that evil tongues, vapours, calumny, nothing can
change my heart, which is yours entirely, and has no will to change its
master.' Now, it seems to me that these letters must be from Manon
Baletti, and that they are the letters referred to in the sixth volume
of the Memoirs. We read there (page 60) how on Christmas Day, 1759,
Casanova receives a letter from Manon in Paris, announcing her marriage
with 'M. Blondel, architect to the King, and member of his Academy'; she
returns him his letters, and begs him to return hers, or burn them.
Instead of doing so he allows Esther to read them, intending to burn
them afterwards. Esther begs to be allowed to keep the letters,
promising to 'preserve them religiously all her life.' 'These letters,'
he says, 'numbered more than two hundred, and the shortest were of four
pages: Certainly there are not two hundred of them at Dux, but it seems
to me highly probable that Casanova made a final selection from Manon's
letters, and that it is these which I have found.

But, however this may be, I was fortunate enough to find the set of
letters which I was most anxious to find the letters from Henriette,
whose loss every writer on Casanova has lamented. Henriette, it will be
remembered, makes her first appearance at Cesena, in the year 1748;
after their meeting at Geneva, she reappears, romantically 'a propos',
twenty-two years later, at Aix in Provence; and she writes to Casanova
proposing 'un commerce epistolaire', asking him what he has done since
his escape from prison, and promising to do her best to tell him all
that has happened to her during the long interval. After quoting her
letter, he adds: 'I replied to her, accepting the correspondence that
she offered me, and telling her briefly all my vicissitudes. She related
to me in turn, in some forty letters, all the history of her life. If
she dies before me, I shall add these letters to these Memoirs; but to-
day she is still alive, and always happy, though now old.' It has never
been known what became of these letters, and why they were not added to
the Memoirs. I have found a great quantity of them, some signed with her
married name in full, 'Henriette de Schnetzmann,' and I am inclined to
think that she survived Casanova, for one of the letters is dated
Bayreuth, 1798, the year of Casanova's death. They are remarkably
charming, written with a mixture of piquancy and distinction; and I will
quote the characteristic beginning and end of the last letter I was able
to find. It begins: 'No, it is impossible to be sulky with you!' and
ends: 'If I become vicious, it is you, my Mentor, who make me so, and I
cast my sins upon you. Even if I were damned I should still be your most
devoted friend, Henriette de Schnetzmann.' Casanova was twenty-three
when he met Henriette; now, herself an old woman, she writes to him when
he is seventy-three, as if the fifty years that had passed were blotted
out in the faithful affection of her memory. How many more discreet and
less changing lovers have had the quality of constancy in change, to
which this life-long correspondence bears witness? Does it not suggest a
view of Casanova not quite the view of all the world? To me it shows the
real man, who perhaps of all others best understood what Shelley meant
when he said:


True love in this differs from gold or clay That to divide is not to
take away.

But, though the letters from women naturally interested me the most,
they were only a certain proportion of the great mass of correspondence
which I turned over. There were letters from Carlo Angiolini, who was
afterwards to bring the manuscript of the Memoirs to Brockhaus; from
Balbi, the monk with whom Casanova escaped from the Piombi; from the
Marquis Albergati, playwright, actor, and eccentric, of whom there is
some account in the Memoirs; from the Marquis Mosca, 'a distinguished
man of letters whom I was anxious to see,' Casanova tells us in the same
volume in which he describes his visit to the Moscas at Pesaro; from
Zulian, brother of the Duchess of Fiano; from Richard Lorrain, 'bel
homme, ayant de l'esprit, le ton et le gout de la bonne societe', who
came to settle at Gorizia in 1773, while Casanova was there; from the
Procurator Morosini, whom he speaks of in the Memoirs as his
'protector,' and as one of those through whom he obtained permission to
return to Venice. His other 'protector,' the 'avogador' Zaguri, had,
says Casanova, 'since the affair of the Marquis Albergati, carried on a
most interesting correspondence with me'; and in fact I found a bundle
of no less than a hundred and thirty-eight letters from him, dating from
1784 to 1798. Another bundle contains one hundred and seventy-two
letters from Count Lamberg. In the Memoirs Casanova says, referring to
his visit to Augsburg at the end of 1761:

I used to spend my evenings in a very agreeable manner at the house of
Count Max de Lamberg, who resided at the court of the Prince-Bishop with
the title of Grand Marshal. What particularly attached me to Count
Lamberg was his literary talent. A first-rate scholar, learned to a
degree, he has published several much esteemed works. I carried on an
exchange of letters with him which ended only with his death four years
ago in 1792.

Casanova tells us that, at his second visit to Augsburg in the early
part of 1767, he 'supped with Count Lamberg two or three times a week,'
during the four months he was there. It is with this year that the
letters I have found begin: they end with the year of his death, 1792.
In his 'Memorial d'un Mondain' Lamberg refers to Casanova as 'a man
known in literature, a man of profound knowledge.' In the first edition
of 1774, he laments that 'a man such as M. de S. Galt' should not yet
have been taken back into favour by the Venetian government, and in the
second edition, 1775, rejoices over Casanova's return to Venice. Then
there are letters from Da Ponte, who tells the story of Casanova's
curious relations with Mme. d'Urfe, in his 'Memorie scritte da esso',
1829; from Pittoni, Bono, and others mentioned in different parts of the
Memoirs, and from some dozen others who are not mentioned in them. The
only letters in the whole collection that have been published are those
from the Prince de Ligne and from Count Koenig.

IV. Casanova tells us in his Memoirs that, during his later years at
Dux, he had only been able to 'hinder black melancholy from devouring
his poor existence, or sending him out of his mind,' by writing ten or
twelve hours a day. The copious manuscripts at Dux show us how
persistently he was at work on a singular variety of subjects, in
addition to the Memoirs, and to the various books which he published
during those years. We see him jotting down everything that comes into
his head, for his own amusement, and certainly without any thought of
publication; engaging in learned controversies, writing treatises on
abstruse mathematical problems, composing comedies to be acted before
Count Waldstein's neighbours, practising verse-writing in two languages,
indeed with more patience than success, writing philosophical dialogues
in which God and himself are the speakers, and keeping up an extensive
correspondence, both with distinguished men and with delightful women.
His mental activity, up to the age of seventy-three, is as prodigious as
the activity which he had expended in living a multiform and
incalculable life. As in life everything living had interested him so in
his retirement from life every idea makes its separate appeal to him;
and he welcomes ideas with the same impartiality with which he had
welcomed adventures. Passion has intellectualised itself, and remains
not less passionate. He wishes to do everything, to compete with every
one; and it is only after having spent seven years in heaping up
miscellaneous learning, and exercising his faculties in many directions,
that he turns to look back over his own past life, and to live it over
again in memory, as he writes down the narrative of what had interested
him most in it. 'I write in the hope that my history will never see the
broad day light of publication,' he tells us, scarcely meaning it, we
may be sure, even in the moment of hesitancy which may naturally come to
him. But if ever a book was written for the pleasure of writing it, it
was this one; and an autobiography written for oneself is not likely to
be anything but frank.

'Truth is the only God I have ever adored,' he tells us: and we now know
how truthful he was in saying so. I have only summarised in this article
the most important confirmations of his exact accuracy in facts and
dates; the number could be extended indefinitely. In the manuscripts we
find innumerable further confirmations; and their chief value as
testimony is that they tell us nothing which we should not have already
known, if we had merely taken Casanova at his word. But it is not always
easy to take people at their own word, when they are writing about
themselves; and the world has been very loth to believe in Casanova as
he represents himself. It has been specially loth to believe that he is
telling the truth when he tells us about his adventures with women. But
the letters contained among these manuscripts shows us the women of
Casanova writing to him with all the fervour and all the fidelity which
he attributes to them; and they show him to us in the character of as
fervid and faithful a lover. In every fact, every detail, and in the
whole mental impression which they convey, these manuscripts bring
before us the Casanova of the Memoirs. As I seemed to come upon Casanova
at home, it was as if I came upon old friend, already perfectly known to
me, before I had made my pilgrimage to Dux.

1902



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

A series of adventures wilder and more fantastic than the wildest of
romances, written down with the exactitude of a business diary; a view
of men and cities from Naples to Berlin, from Madrid and London to
Constantinople and St. Petersburg; the 'vie intime' of the eighteenth
century depicted by a man, who to-day sat with cardinals and saluted
crowned heads, and to morrow lurked in dens of profligacy and crime; a
book of confessions penned without reticence and without penitence; a
record of forty years of "occult" charlatanism; a collection of tales of
successful imposture, of 'bonnes fortunes', of marvellous escapes, of
transcendent audacity, told with the humour of Smollett and the delicate
wit of Voltaire. Who is there interested in men and letters, and in the
life of the past, who would not cry, "Where can such a book as this be
found?"

Yet the above catalogue is but a brief outline, a bare and meagre
summary, of the book known as "THE MEMOIRS OF CASANOVA"; a work
absolutely unique in literature. He who opens these wonderful pages is
as one who sits in a theatre and looks across the gloom, not on a stage-
play, but on another and a vanished world. The curtain draws up, and
suddenly a hundred and fifty years are rolled away, and in bright light
stands out before us the whole life of the past; the gay dresses, the
polished wit, the careless morals, and all the revel and dancing of
those merry years before the mighty deluge of the Revolution. The
palaces and marble stairs of old Venice are no longer desolate, but
thronged with scarlet-robed senators, prisoners with the doom of the Ten
upon their heads cross the Bridge of Sighs, at dead of night the nun
slips out of the convent gate to the dark canal where a gondola is
waiting, we assist at the 'parties fines' of cardinals, and we see the
bank made at faro. Venice gives place to the assembly rooms of Mrs.
Cornely and the fast taverns of the London of 1760; we pass from
Versailles to the Winter Palace of St. Petersburg in the days of
Catherine, from the policy of the Great Frederick to the lewd mirth of
strolling-players, and the presence-chamber of the Vatican is succeeded
by an intrigue in a garret. It is indeed a new experience to read this
history of a man who, refraining from nothing, has concealed nothing; of
one who stood in the courts of Louis the Magnificent before Madame de
Pompadour and the nobles of the Ancien Regime, and had an affair with an
adventuress of Denmark Street, Soho; who was bound over to keep the
peace by Fielding, and knew Cagliostro. The friend of popes and kings
and noblemen, and of all the male and female ruffians and vagabonds of
Europe, abbe, soldier, charlatan, gamester, financier, diplomatist,
viveur, philosopher, virtuoso, "chemist, fiddler, and buffoon," each of
these, and all of these was Giacomo Casanova, Chevalier de Seingalt,
Knight of the Golden Spur.

And not only are the Memoirs a literary curiosity; they are almost
equally curious from a bibliographical point of view. The manuscript was
written in French and came into the possession of the publisher
Brockhaus, of Leipzig, who had it translated into German, and printed.
From this German edition, M. Aubert de Vitry re-translated the work into
French, but omitted about a fourth of the matter, and this mutilated and
worthless version is frequently purchased by unwary bibliophiles. In the
year 1826, however, Brockhaus, in order presumably to protect his
property, printed the entire text of the original MS. in French, for the
first time, and in this complete form, containing a large number of
anecdotes and incidents not to be found in the spurious version, the
work was not acceptable to the authorities, and was consequently
rigorously suppressed. Only a few copies sent out for presentation or
for review are known to have escaped, and from one of these rare copies
the present translation has been made and solely for private
circulation.

In conclusion, both translator and 'editeur' have done their utmost to
present the English Casanova in a dress worthy of the wonderful and
witty original.





AUTHOR'S PREFACE

I will begin with this confession: whatever I have done in the course of
my life, whether it be good or evil, has been done freely; I am a free
agent.

The doctrine of the Stoics or of any other sect as to the force of
Destiny is a bubble engendered by the imagination of man, and is near
akin to Atheism. I not only believe in one God, but my faith as a
Christian is also grafted upon that tree of philosophy which has never
spoiled anything.

I believe in the existence of an immaterial God, the Author and Master
of all beings and all things, and I feel that I never had any doubt of
His existence, from the fact that I have always relied upon His
providence, prayed to Him in my distress, and that He has always granted
my prayers. Despair brings death, but prayer does away with despair; and
when a man has prayed he feels himself supported by new confidence and
endowed with power to act. As to the means employed by the Sovereign
Master of human beings to avert impending dangers from those who beseech
His assistance, I confess that the knowledge of them is above the
intelligence of man, who can but wonder and adore. Our ignorance becomes
our only resource, and happy, truly happy; are those who cherish their
ignorance! Therefore must we pray to God, and believe that He has
granted the favour we have been praying for, even when in appearance it
seems the reverse. As to the position which our body ought to assume
when we address ourselves to the Creator, a line of Petrarch settles it:


'Con le ginocchia della mente inchine.'

Man is free, but his freedom ceases when he has no faith in it; and the
greater power he ascribes to faith, the more he deprives himself of that
power which God has given to him when He endowed him with the gift of
reason. Reason is a particle of the Creator's divinity. When we use it
with a spirit of humility and justice we are certain to please the Giver
of that precious gift. God ceases to be God only for those who can admit
the possibility of His non-existence, and that conception is in itself
the most severe punishment they can suffer.

Man is free; yet we must not suppose that he is at liberty to do
everything he pleases, for he becomes a slave the moment he allows his
actions to be ruled by passion. The man who has sufficient power over
himself to wait until his nature has recovered its even balance is the
truly wise man, but such beings are seldom met with.

The reader of these Memoirs will discover that I never had any fixed aim
before my eyes, and that my system, if it can be called a system, has
been to glide away unconcernedly on the stream of life, trusting to the
wind wherever it led. How many changes arise from such an independent
mode of life! My success and my misfortunes, the bright and the dark
days I have gone through, everything has proved to me that in this
world, either physical or moral, good comes out of evil just as well as
evil comes out of good. My errors will point to thinking men the various
roads, and will teach them the great art of treading on the brink of the
precipice without falling into it. It is only necessary to have courage,
for strength without self-confidence is useless. I have often met with
happiness after some imprudent step which ought to have brought ruin
upon me, and although passing a vote of censure upon myself I would
thank God for his mercy. But, by way of compensation, dire misfortune
has befallen me in consequence of actions prompted by the most cautious
wisdom. This would humble me; yet conscious that I had acted rightly I
would easily derive comfort from that conviction.

In spite of a good foundation of sound morals, the natural offspring of
the Divine principles which had been early rooted in my heart, I have
been throughout my life the victim of my senses; I have found delight in
losing the right path, I have constantly lived in the midst of error,
with no consolation but the consciousness of my being mistaken.
Therefore, dear reader, I trust that, far from attaching to my history
the character of impudent boasting, you will find in my Memoirs only the
characteristic proper to a general confession, and that my narratory
style will be the manner neither of a repenting sinner, nor of a man
ashamed to acknowledge his frolics. They are the follies inherent to
youth; I make sport of them, and, if you are kind, you will not yourself
refuse them a good-natured smile. You will be amused when you see that I
have more than once deceived without the slightest qualm of conscience,
both knaves and fools. As to the deceit perpetrated upon women, let it
pass, for, when love is in the way, men and women as a general rule dupe
each other. But on the score of fools it is a very different matter. I
always feel the greatest bliss when I recollect those I have caught in
my snares, for they generally are insolent, and so self-conceited that
they challenge wit. We avenge intellect when we dupe a fool, and it is a
victory not to be despised for a fool is covered with steel and it is
often very hard to find his vulnerable part. In fact, to gull a fool
seems to me an exploit worthy of a witty man. I have felt in my very
blood, ever since I was born, a most unconquerable hatred towards the
whole tribe of fools, and it arises from the fact that I feel myself a
blockhead whenever I am in their company. I am very far from placing
them in the same class with those men whom we call stupid, for the
latter are stupid only from deficient education, and I rather like them.
I have met with some of them--very honest fellows, who, with all their
stupidity, had a kind of intelligence and an upright good sense, which
cannot be the characteristics of fools. They are like eyes veiled with
the cataract, which, if the disease could be removed, would be very
beautiful.

Dear reader, examine the spirit of this preface, and you will at once
guess at my purpose. I have written a preface because I wish you to know
me thoroughly before you begin the reading of my Memoirs. It is only in
a coffee-room or at a table d'hote that we like to converse with
strangers.

I have written the history of my life, and I have a perfect right to do
so; but am I wise in throwing it before a public of which I know nothing
but evil? No, I am aware it is sheer folly, but I want to be busy, I
want to laugh, and why should I deny myself this gratification?


'Expulit elleboro morbum bilemque mero.'

An ancient author tells us somewhere, with the tone of a pedagogue, if
you have not done anything worthy of being recorded, at least write
something worthy of being read. It is a precept as beautiful as a
diamond of the first water cut in England, but it cannot be applied to
me, because I have not written either a novel, or the life of an
illustrious character. Worthy or not, my life is my subject, and my
subject is my life. I have lived without dreaming that I should ever
take a fancy to write the history of my life, and, for that very reason,
my Memoirs may claim from the reader an interest and a sympathy which
they would not have obtained, had I always entertained the design to
write them in my old age, and, still more, to publish them.

I have reached, in 1797, the age of three-score years and twelve; I can
not say, Vixi, and I could not procure a more agreeable pastime than to
relate my own adventures, and to cause pleasant laughter amongst the
good company listening to me, from which I have received so many tokens
of friendship, and in the midst of which I have ever lived. To enable me
to write well, I have only to think that my readers will belong to that
polite society:


'Quoecunque dixi, si placuerint, dictavit auditor.'

Should there be a few intruders whom I can not prevent from perusing my
Memoirs, I must find comfort in the idea that my history was not written
for them.

By recollecting the pleasures I have had formerly, I renew them, I enjoy
them a second time, while I laugh at the remembrance of troubles now
past, and which I no longer feel. A member of this great universe, I
speak to the air, and I fancy myself rendering an account of my
administration, as a steward is wont to do before leaving his situation.
For my future I have no concern, and as a true philosopher, I never
would have any, for I know not what it may be: as a Christian, on the
other hand, faith must believe without discussion, and the stronger it
is, the more it keeps silent. I know that I have lived because I have
felt, and, feeling giving me the knowledge of my existence, I know
likewise that I shall exist no more when I shall have ceased to feel.

Should I perchance still feel after my death, I would no longer have any
doubt, but I would most certainly give the lie to anyone asserting
before me that I was dead.

The history of my life must begin by the earliest circumstance which my
memory can evoke; it will therefore commence when I had attained the age
of eight years and four months. Before that time, if to think is to live
be a true axiom, I did not live, I could only lay claim to a state of
vegetation. The mind of a human being is formed only of comparisons made
in order to examine analogies, and therefore cannot precede the
existence of memory. The mnemonic organ was developed in my head only
eight years and four months after my birth; it is then that my soul
began to be susceptible of receiving impressions. How is it possible for
an immaterial substance, which can neither touch nor be touched to
receive impressions? It is a mystery which man cannot unravel.

A certain philosophy, full of consolation, and in perfect accord with
religion, pretends that the state of dependence in which the soul stands
in relation to the senses and to the organs, is only incidental and
transient, and that it will reach a condition of freedom and happiness
when the death of the body shall have delivered it from that state of
tyrannic subjection. This is very fine, but, apart from religion, where
is the proof of it all? Therefore, as I cannot, from my own information,
have a perfect certainty of my being immortal until the dissolution of
my body has actually taken place, people must kindly bear with me, if I
am in no hurry to obtain that certain knowledge, for, in my estimation,
a knowledge to be gained at the cost of life is a rather expensive piece
of information. In the mean time I worship God, laying every wrong
action under an interdict which I endeavour to respect, and I loathe the
wicked without doing them any injury. I only abstain from doing them any
good, in the full belief that we ought not to cherish serpents.

As I must likewise say a few words respecting my nature and my
temperament, I premise that the most indulgent of my readers is not
likely to be the most dishonest or the least gifted with intelligence.

I have had in turn every temperament; phlegmatic in my infancy; sanguine
in my youth; later on, bilious; and now I have a disposition which
engenders melancholy, and most likely will never change. I always made
my food congenial to my constitution, and my health was always
excellent. I learned very early that our health is always impaired by
some excess either of food or abstinence, and I never had any physician
except myself. I am bound to add that the excess in too little has ever
proved in me more dangerous than the excess in too much; the last may
cause indigestion, but the first causes death.

Now, old as I am, and although enjoying good digestive organs, I must
have only one meal every day; but I find a set-off to that privation in
my delightful sleep, and in the ease which I experience in writing down
my thoughts without having recourse to paradox or sophism, which would
be calculated to deceive myself even more than my readers, for I never
could make up my mind to palm counterfeit coin upon them if I knew it to
be such.

The sanguine temperament rendered me very sensible to the attractions of
voluptuousness: I was always cheerful and ever ready to pass from one
enjoyment to another, and I was at the same time very skillful in
inventing new pleasures. Thence, I suppose, my natural disposition to
make fresh acquaintances, and to break with them so readily, although
always for a good reason, and never through mere fickleness. The errors
caused by temperament are not to be corrected, because our temperament
is perfectly independent of our strength: it is not the case with our
character. Heart and head are the constituent parts of character;
temperament has almost nothing to do with it, and, therefore, character
is dependent upon education, and is susceptible of being corrected and
improved.

I leave to others the decision as to the good or evil tendencies of my
character, but such as it is it shines upon my countenance, and there it
can easily be detected by any physiognomist. It is only on the fact that
character can be read; there it lies exposed to the view. It is worthy
of remark that men who have no peculiar cast of countenance, and there
are a great many such men, are likewise totally deficient in peculiar
characteristics, and we may establish the rule that the varieties in
physiognomy are equal to the differences in character. I am aware that
throughout my life my actions have received their impulse more from the
force of feeling than from the wisdom of reason, and this has led me to
acknowledge that my conduct has been dependent upon my nature more than
upon my mind; both are generally at war, and in the midst of their
continual collisions I have never found in me sufficient mind to balance
my nature, or enough strength in my nature to counteract the power of my
mind. But enough of this, for there is truth in the old saying: 'Si
brevis esse volo, obscurus fio', and I believe that, without offending
against modesty, I can apply to myself the following words of my dear
Virgil:


'Nec sum adeo informis: nuper me in littore vidi Cum placidum ventis
staret mare.'

The chief business of my life has always been to indulge my senses; I
never knew anything of greater importance. I felt myself born for the
fair sex, I have ever loved it dearly, and I have been loved by it as
often and as much as I could. I have likewise always had a great
weakness for good living, and I ever felt passionately fond of every
object which excited my curiosity.

I have had friends who have acted kindly towards me, and it has been my
good fortune to have it in my power to give them substantial proofs of
my gratitude. I have had also bitter enemies who have persecuted me, and
whom I have not crushed simply because I could not do it. I never would
have forgiven them, had I not lost the memory of all the injuries they
had heaped upon me. The man who forgets does not forgive, he only loses
the remembrance of the harm inflicted on him; forgiveness is the
offspring of a feeling of heroism, of a noble heart, of a generous mind,
whilst forgetfulness is only the result of a weak memory, or of an easy
carelessness, and still oftener of a natural desire for calm and
quietness. Hatred, in the course of time, kills the unhappy wretch who
delights in nursing it in his bosom.

Should anyone bring against me an accusation of sensuality he would be
wrong, for all the fierceness of my senses never caused me to neglect
any of my duties. For the same excellent reason, the accusation of
drunkenness ought not to have been brought against Homer:


'Laudibus arguitur vini vinosus Homerus.'

I have always been fond of highly-seasoned, rich dishes, such as
macaroni prepared by a skilful Neapolitan cook, the olla-podrida of the
Spaniards, the glutinous codfish from Newfoundland, game with a strong
flavour, and cheese the perfect state of which is attained when the tiny
animaculae formed from its very essence begin to shew signs of life. As
for women, I have always found the odour of my beloved ones exceeding
pleasant.

What depraved tastes! some people will exclaim. Are you not ashamed to
confess such inclinations without blushing! Dear critics, you make me
laugh heartily. Thanks to my coarse tastes, I believe myself happier
than other men, because I am convinced that they enhance my enjoyment.
Happy are those who know how to obtain pleasures without injury to
anyone; insane are those who fancy that the Almighty can enjoy the
sufferings, the pains, the fasts and abstinences which they offer to Him
as a sacrifice, and that His love is granted only to those who tax
themselves so foolishly. God can only demand from His creatures the
practice of virtues the seed of which He has sown in their soul, and all
He has given unto us has been intended for our happiness; self-love,
thirst for praise, emulation, strength, courage, and a power of which
nothing can deprive us--the power of self-destruction, if, after due
calculation, whether false or just, we unfortunately reckon death to be
advantageous. This is the strongest proof of our moral freedom so much
attacked by sophists. Yet this power of self-destruction is repugnant to
nature, and has been rightly opposed by every religion.

A so-called free-thinker told me at one time that I could not consider
myself a philosopher if I placed any faith in revelation. But when we
accept it readily in physics, why should we reject it in religious
matters? The form alone is the point in question. The spirit speaks to
the spirit, and not to the ears. The principles of everything we are
acquainted with must necessarily have been revealed to those from whom
we have received them by the great, supreme principle, which contains
them all. The bee erecting its hive, the swallow building its nest, the
ant constructing its cave, and the spider warping its web, would never
have done anything but for a previous and everlasting revelation. We
must either believe that it is so, or admit that matter is endowed with
thought. But as we dare not pay such a compliment to matter, let us
stand by revelation.

The great philosopher, who having deeply studied nature, thought he had
found the truth because he acknowledged nature as God, died too soon.
Had he lived a little while longer, he would have gone much farther, and
yet his journey would have been but a short one, for finding himself in
his Author, he could not have denied Him: In Him we move and have our
being. He would have found Him inscrutable, and thus would have ended
his journey.

God, great principle of all minor principles, God, who is Himself
without a principle, could not conceive Himself, if, in order to do it,
He required to know His own principle.

Oh, blissful ignorance! Spinosa, the virtuous Spinosa, died before he
could possess it. He would have died a learned man and with a right to
the reward his virtue deserved, if he had only supposed his soul to be
immortal!

It is not true that a wish for reward is unworthy of real virtue, and
throws a blemish upon its purity. Such a pretension, on the contrary,
helps to sustain virtue, man being himself too weak to consent to be
virtuous only for his own 'gratification. I hold as a myth that
Amphiaraus who preferred to be good than to seem good. In fact, I do not
believe there is an honest man alive without some pretension, and here
is mine.

I pretend to the friendship, to the esteem, to the gratitude of my
readers. I claim their gratitude, if my Memoirs can give them
instruction and pleasure; I claim their esteem if, rendering me justice,
they find more good qualities in me than faults, and I claim their
friendship as soon as they deem me worthy of it by the candour and the
good faith with which I abandon myself to their judgment, without
disguise and exactly as I am in reality. They will find that I have
always had such sincere love for truth, that I have often begun by
telling stories for the purpose of getting truth to enter the heads of
those who could not appreciate its charms. They will not form a wrong
opinion of me when they see one emptying the purse of my friends to
satisfy my fancies, for those friends entertained idle schemes, and by
giving them the hope of success I trusted to disappointment to cure
them. I would deceive them to make them wiser, and I did not consider
myself guilty, for I applied to my own enjoyment sums of money which
would have been lost in the vain pursuit of possessions denied by
nature; therefore I was not actuated by any avaricious rapacity. I might
think myself guilty if I were rich now, but I have nothing. I have
squandered everything; it is my comfort and my justification. The money
was intended for extravagant follies, and by applying it to my own
frolics I did not turn it into a very different, channel.

If I were deceived in my hope to please, I candidly confess I would
regret it, but not sufficiently so to repent having written my Memoirs,
for, after all, writing them has given me pleasure. Oh, cruel ennui! It
must be by mistake that those who have invented the torments of hell
have forgotten to ascribe thee the first place among them. Yet I am
bound to own that I entertain a great fear of hisses; it is too natural
a fear for me to boast of being insensible to them, and I cannot find
any solace in the idea that, when these Memoirs are published, I shall
be no more. I cannot think without a shudder of contracting any
obligation towards death: I hate death; for, happy or miserable, life is
the only blessing which man possesses, and those who do not love it are
unworthy of it. If we prefer honour to life, it is because life is
blighted by infamy; and if, in the alternative, man sometimes throws
away his life, philosophy must remain silent.

Oh, death, cruel death! Fatal law which nature necessarily rejects
because thy very office is to destroy nature! Cicero says that death
frees us from all pains and sorrows, but this great philosopher books
all the expense without taking the receipts into account. I do not
recollect if, when he wrote his 'Tusculan Disputations', his own Tullia
was dead. Death is a monster which turns away from the great theatre an
attentive hearer before the end of the play which deeply interests him,
and this is reason enough to hate it.

All my adventures are not to be found in these Memoirs; I have left out
those which might have offended the persons who have played a sorry part
therein. In spite of this reserve, my readers will perhaps often think
me indiscreet, and I am sorry for it. Should I perchance become wiser
before I give up the ghost, I might burn every one of these sheets, but
now I have not courage enough to do it.

It may be that certain love scenes will be considered too explicit, but
let no one blame me, unless it be for lack of skill, for I ought not to
be scolded because, in my old age, I can find no other enjoyment but
that which recollections of the past afford to me. After all, virtuous
and prudish readers are at liberty to skip over any offensive pictures,
and I think it my duty to give them this piece of advice; so much the
worse for those who may not read my preface; it is no fault of mine if they do not, for everyone ought to know that a preface is to a book what the play-bill is to a comedy; both must be read.

The Memoires of Casanova 1

The Memoires of Casanova 1

The Memoires of Casanova, Complete The Rare Unabridged London
Edition Of 1894, plus An Unpublished Chapter of History, By Arthur Symons
: Jacques Casanova de Seingalt
Translator: Arthur Machen

THE MEMOIRS OF JACQUES CASANOVA de SEINGALT

1725-1798



THE RARE UNABRIDGED LONDON EDITION OF 1894 TRANSLATED BY ARTHUR MACHEN
TO WHICH HAS BEEN ADDED THE CHAPTERS DISCOVERED BY ARTHUR SYMONS.

[Transcriber's Note: These memoires were not written for children, they
may outrage readers also offended by Chaucer, La Fontaine, Rabelais and
The Old Testament. D.W.]



ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE



CONTENTS


CASANOVA AT DUX

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

AUTHOR'S PREFACE


THE MEMOIRS OF JACQUES CASANOVA


VENETIAN YEARS


EPISODE 1 — CHILDHOOD

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII


EPISODE 2 — CLERIC IN NAPLES

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII


EPISODE 3 — MILITARY CAREER

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV


EPISODE 4 — RETURN TO VENICE

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVIII

CHAPTER XIX


EPISODE 5 — MILAN AND MANTUA

CHAPTER XX

CHAPTER XXI

CHAPTER XXII

CHAPTER XXIII


ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE TO PARIS AND PRISON


EPISODE 6 — PARIS

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX


EPISODE 7 — VENICE

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV


EPISODE 8 — CONVENT AFFAIRS

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVIII

CHAPTER XIX

CHAPTER XX


EPISODE 9 — THE FALSE NUN

CHAPTER XXI

CHAPTER XXII

CHAPTER XXIII

CHAPTER XXIV

CHAPTER XXV


EPISODE 10 — UNDER THE LEADS

CHAPTER XXVI

CHAPTER XXVII

CHAPTER XXVIII

CHAPTER XXIX

CHAPTER XXX

CHAPTER XXXI

CHAPTER XXXII


ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE EPISODE 11 — PARIS AND HOLLAND

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV


EPISODE 12 — RETURN TO PARIS

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX


EPISODE 13 — HOLLAND AND GERMANY

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII


EPISODE 14 — SWITZERLAND

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVIII


EPISODE 15 — WITH VOLTAIRE

CHAPTER XIX

CHAPTER XX

CHAPTER XXI


ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE ADVENTURES IN THE SOUTH


EPISODE 16 — DEPART SWITZERLAND

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III


EPISODE 17 — RETURN TO ITALY

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII


EPISODE 18—RETURN TO NAPLES

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII


EPISODE 19 — BACK AGAIN TO PARIS

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII


EPISODE 20 — MILAN

CHAPTER XVIII

CHAPTER XIX

CHAPTER XX

CHAPTER XXI

CHAPTER XXII


ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE VOLUME 5 — TO LONDON AND MOSCOW


EPISODE 21 — SOUTH OF FRANCE

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV


EPISODE 21 — TO LONDON

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX


EPISODE 23—THE ENGLISH

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII

CHAPTER XIII


EPISODE 24 — FLIGHT FROM LONDON TO BERLIN

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII

CHAPTER XVIII


EPISODE 25 — RUSSIA AND POLAND

CHAPTER XIX

CHAPTER XX

CHAPTER XXI

CHAPTER XXII

CHAPTER XXIII


ENLARGE TO FULL SIZE VOLUME 6 — SPANISH PASSIONS


EPISODE 26 — SPAIN

CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II

CHAPTER III

CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER V

CHAPTER VI


EPISODE 27 — EXPELLED FROM SPAIN

CHAPTER VII

CHAPTER VIII

CHAPTER IX

CHAPTER X

CHAPTER XI

CHAPTER XII


EPISODE 28 — RETURN TO ROME

CHAPTER XIII

CHAPTER XIV

CHAPTER XV

CHAPTER XVI

CHAPTER XVII


EPISODE 29 — FLORENCE TO TRIESTE

CHAPTER XVIII

CHAPTER XIX

CHAPTER XX

CHAPTER XXI

CHAPTER XXII


EPISODE 30 — OLD AGE AND DEATH OF CASANOVA


APPENDIX AND SUPPLEMENT


PART THE FIRST — VENICE 1774-1782

I — CASANOVA'S RETURN TO VENICE

II — RELATIONS WITH THE INQUISITORS

III — FRANCESCA BUSCHINI

IV — PUBLICATIONS

V — MLLE. X . . . C . . . V. . .

VI — LAST DAYS AT VENICE


PART THE SECOND — VIENNA-PARIS

I — 1783-1785

II — PARIS

III — VIENNA

IV — LETTERS FROM FRANCESCA

V — LAST DAYS AT VIENNA


PART THE THIRD — DUX — 1786-1798

I — THE CASTLE AT DUX

II — LETTERS FROM FRANCESCA

III — CORRESPONDENCE AND ACTIVITIES

IV — CORRESPONDENCE WITH JEAN-FERDINAND OPIZ

V — PUBLICATIONS

VI — SUMMARY of MY LIFE

VII — LAST DAYS AT DUX





Illustrations


Bookcover 1

Titlepage 1

Chapter 4

Chapter 5

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 14

Chapter 14b

Chapter 17

Chapter 18

Chapter 8

Chapter 9

Chapter 22

Chapter 23

Chapter 5

Chapter 6

Chapter 11

Chapter 12

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 16

Chapter 16b

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 15

Chapter 17

Chapter 7

Chapter 8

Chapter 15

Chapter 16










CASANOVA AT DUX

An Unpublished Chapter of History, By Arthur Symons

I The Memoirs of Casanova, though they have enjoyed the popularity of a
bad reputation, have never had justice done to them by serious students
of literature, of life, and of history. One English writer, indeed, Mr.
Havelock Ellis, has realised that 'there are few more delightful books
in the world,' and he has analysed them in an essay on Casanova,
published in Affirmations, with extreme care and remarkable subtlety.
But this essay stands alone, at all events in English, as an attempt to
take Casanova seriously, to show him in his relation to his time, and in
his relation to human problems. And yet these Memoirs are perhaps the
most valuable document which we possess on the society of the eighteenth
century; they are the history of a unique life, a unique personality,
one of the greatest of autobiographies; as a record of adventures, they
are more entertaining than Gil Blas, or Monte Cristo, or any of the
imaginary travels, and escapes, and masquerades in life, which have been
written in imitation of them. They tell the story of a man who loved
life passionately for its own sake: one to whom woman was, indeed, the
most important thing in the world, but to whom nothing in the world was
indifferent. The bust which gives us the most lively notion of him shows
us a great, vivid, intellectual face, full of fiery energy and calm
resource, the face of a thinker and a fighter in one. A scholar, an
adventurer, perhaps a Cabalist, a busy stirrer in politics, a gamester,
one 'born for the fairer sex,' as he tells us, and born also to be a
vagabond; this man, who is remembered now for his written account of his
own life, was that rarest kind of autobiographer, one who did not live
to write, but wrote because he had lived, and when he could live no
longer.

And his Memoirs take one all over Europe, giving sidelights, all the
more valuable in being almost accidental, upon many of the affairs and
people most interesting to us during two-thirds of the eighteenth
century. Giacomo Casanova was born in Venice, of Spanish and Italian
parentage, on April 2, 1725; he died at the Chateau of Dux, in Bohemia,
on June 4, 1798. In that lifetime of seventy-three years he travelled,
as his Memoirs show us, in Italy, France, Germany, Austria, England,
Switzerland, Belgium, Russia, Poland, Spain, Holland, Turkey; he met
Voltaire at Ferney, Rousseau at Montmorency, Fontenelle, d'Alembert and
Crebillon at Paris, George III. in London, Louis XV. at Fontainebleau,
Catherine the Great at St. Petersburg, Benedict XII. at Rome, Joseph II.
at Vienna, Frederick the Great at Sans-Souci. Imprisoned by the
Inquisitors of State in the Piombi at Venice, he made, in 1755, the most
famous escape in history. His Memoirs, as we have them, break off
abruptly at the moment when he is expecting a safe conduct, and the
permission to return to Venice after twenty years' wanderings. He did
return, as we know from documents in the Venetian archives; he returned
as secret agent of the Inquisitors, and remained in their service from
1774 until 1782. At the end of 1782 he left Venice; and next year we
find him in Paris, where, in 1784, he met Count Waldstein at the
Venetian Ambassador's, and was invited by him to become his librarian at
Dux. He accepted, and for the fourteen remaining years of his life lived
at Dux, where he wrote his Memoirs.

Casanova died in 1798, but nothing was heard of the Memoirs (which the
Prince de Ligne, in his own Memoirs, tells us that Casanova had read to
him, and in which he found 'du dyamatique, de la rapidite, du comique,
de la philosophie, des choses neuves, sublimes, inimitables meme') until
the year 1820, when a certain Carlo Angiolini brought to the publishing
house of Brockhaus, in Leipzig, a manuscript entitled Histoire de ma vie
jusqu a l'an 1797, in the handwriting of Casanova. This manuscript,
which I have examined at Leipzig, is written on foolscap paper, rather
rough and yellow; it is written on both sides of the page, and in sheets
or quires; here and there the paging shows that some pages have been
omitted, and in their place are smaller sheets of thinner and whiter
paper, all in Casanova's handsome, unmistakable handwriting. The
manuscript is done up in twelve bundles, corresponding with the twelve
volumes of the original edition; and only in one place is there a gap.
The fourth and fifth chapters of the twelfth volume are missing, as the
editor of the original edition points out, adding: 'It is not probable
that these two chapters have been withdrawn from the manuscript of
Casanova by a strange hand; everything leads us to believe that the
author himself suppressed them, in the intention, no doubt, of re-
writing them, but without having found time to do so.' The manuscript
ends abruptly with the year 1774, and not with the year 1797, as the
title would lead us to suppose.

This manuscript, in its original state, has never been printed. Herr
Brockhaus, on obtaining possession of the manuscript, had it translated
into German by Wilhelm Schutz, but with many omissions and alterations,
and published this translation, volume by volume, from 1822 to 1828,
under the title, 'Aus den Memoiren des Venetianers Jacob Casanova de
Seingalt.' While the German edition was in course of publication, Herr
Brockhaus employed a certain Jean Laforgue, a professor of the French
language at Dresden, to revise the original manuscript, correcting
Casanova's vigorous, but at times incorrect, and often somewhat Italian,
French according to his own notions of elegant writing, suppressing
passages which seemed too free-spoken from the point of view of morals
and of politics, and altering the names of some of the persons referred
to, or replacing those names by initials. This revised text was
published in twelve volumes, the first two in 1826, the third and fourth
in 1828, the fifth to the eighth in 1832, and the ninth to the twelfth
in 1837; the first four bearing the imprint of Brockhaus at Leipzig and
Ponthieu et Cie at Paris; the next four the imprint of Heideloff et
Campe at Paris; and the last four nothing but 'A Bruxelles.' The volumes
are all uniform, and were all really printed for the firm of Brockhaus.
This, however far from representing the real text, is the only
authoritative edition, and my references throughout this article will
always be to this edition.

In turning over the manuscript at Leipzig, I read some of the suppressed
passages, and regretted their suppression; but Herr Brockhaus, the
present head of the firm, assured me that they are not really very
considerable in number. The damage, however, to the vivacity of the
whole narrative, by the persistent alterations of M. Laforgue, is
incalculable. I compared many passages, and found scarcely three
consecutive sentences untouched. Herr Brockhaus (whose courtesy I cannot
sufficiently acknowledge) was kind enough to have a passage copied out
for me, which I afterwards read over, and checked word by word. In this
passage Casanova says, for instance: 'Elle venoit presque tous les jours
lui faire une belle visite.' This is altered into: 'Cependant chaque
jour Therese venait lui faire une visite.' Casanova says that some one
'avoit, comme de raison, forme le projet d'allier Dieu avec le diable.'
This is made to read: 'Qui, comme de raison, avait saintement forme le
projet d'allier les interets du ciel aux oeuvres de ce monde.' Casanova
tells us that Therese would not commit a mortal sin 'pour devenir reine
du monde;' pour une couronne,' corrects the indefatigable Laforgue. 'Il
ne savoit que lui dire' becomes 'Dans cet etat de perplexite;' and so
forth. It must, therefore, be realized that the Memoirs, as we have
them, are only a kind of pale tracing of the vivid colours of the
original.

When Casanova's Memoirs were first published, doubts were expressed as
to their authenticity, first by Ugo Foscolo (in the Westminster Review,
1827), then by Querard, supposed to be an authority in regard to
anonymous and pseudonymous writings, finally by Paul Lacroix, 'le
bibliophile Jacob', who suggested, or rather expressed his 'certainty,'
that the real author of the Memoirs was Stendhal, whose 'mind,
character, ideas and style' he seemed to recognise on every page. This
theory, as foolish and as unsupported as the Baconian theory of
Shakespeare, has been carelessly accepted, or at all events accepted as
possible, by many good scholars who have never taken the trouble to look
into the matter for themselves. It was finally disproved by a series of
articles of Armand Baschet, entitled 'Preuves curieuses de
l'authenticite des Memoires de Jacques Casanova de Seingalt,' in 'Le
Livre,' January, February, April and May, 1881; and these proofs were
further corroborated by two articles of Alessandro d'Ancona, entitled
'Un Avventuriere del Secolo XVIII., in the 'Nuovo Antologia,' February 1
and August 1, 1882. Baschet had never himself seen the manuscript of the
Memoirs, but he had learnt all the facts about it from Messrs.
Brockhaus, and he had himself examined the numerous papers relating to
Casanova in the Venetian archives. A similar examination was made at the
Frari at about the same time by the Abbe Fulin; and I myself, in 1894,
not knowing at the time that the discovery had been already made, made
it over again for myself. There the arrest of Casanova, his imprisonment
in the Piombi, the exact date of his escape, the name of the monk who
accompanied him, are all authenticated by documents contained in the
'riferte' of the Inquisition of State; there are the bills for the
repairs of the roof and walls of the cell from which he escaped; there
are the reports of the spies on whose information he was arrested, for
his too dangerous free-spokenness in matters of religion and morality.
The same archives contain forty-eight letters of Casanova to the
Inquisitors of State, dating from 1763 to 1782, among the Riferte dei
Confidenti, or reports of secret agents; the earliest asking permission
to return to Venice, the rest giving information in regard to the
immoralities of the city, after his return there; all in the same
handwriting as the Memoirs. Further proof could scarcely be needed, but
Baschet has done more than prove the authenticity, he has proved the
extraordinary veracity, of the Memoirs. F. W. Barthold, in 'Die
Geschichtlichen Personlichkeiten in J. Casanova's Memoiren,' 2 vols.,
1846, had already examined about a hundred of Casanova's allusions to
well known people, showing the perfect exactitude of all but six or
seven, and out of these six or seven inexactitudes ascribing only a
single one to the author's intention. Baschet and d'Ancona both carry on
what Barthold had begun; other investigators, in France, Italy and
Germany, have followed them; and two things are now certain, first, that
Casanova himself wrote the Memoirs published under his name, though not
textually in the precise form in which we have them; and, second, that
as their veracity becomes more and more evident as they are confronted
with more and more independent witnesses, it is only fair to suppose
that they are equally truthful where the facts are such as could only
have been known to Casanova himself.

II For more than two-thirds of a century it has been known that Casanova
spent the last fourteen years of his life at Dux, that he wrote his
Memoirs there, and that he died there. During all this time people have
been discussing the authenticity and the truthfulness of the Memoirs,
they have been searching for information about Casanova in various
directions, and yet hardly any one has ever taken the trouble, or
obtained the permission, to make a careful examination in precisely the
one place where information was most likely to be found. The very
existence of the manuscripts at Dux was known only to a few, and to most
of these only on hearsay; and thus the singular good fortune was
reserved for me, on my visit to Count Waldstein in September 1899, to be
the first to discover the most interesting things contained in these
manuscripts. M. Octave Uzanne, though he had not himself visited Dux,
had indeed procured copies of some of the manuscripts, a few of which
were published by him in Le Livre, in 1887 and 1889. But with the death
of Le Livre in 1889 the 'Casanova inedit' came to an end, and has never,
so far as I know, been continued elsewhere. Beyond the publication of
these fragments, nothing has been done with the manuscripts at Dux, nor
has an account of them ever been given by any one who has been allowed
to examine them.

For five years, ever since I had discovered the documents in the
Venetian archives, I had wanted to go to Dux; and in 1899, when I was
staying with Count Lutzow at Zampach, in Bohemia, I found the way kindly
opened for me. Count Waldstein, the present head of the family, with
extreme courtesy, put all his manuscripts at my disposal, and invited me
to stay with him. Unluckily, he was called away on the morning of the
day that I reached Dux. He had left everything ready for me, and I was
shown over the castle by a friend of his, Dr. Kittel, whose courtesy I
should like also to acknowledge. After a hurried visit to the castle we
started on the long drive to Oberleutensdorf, a smaller Schloss near
Komotau, where the Waldstein family was then staying. The air was sharp
and bracing; the two Russian horses flew like the wind; I was whirled
along in an unfamiliar darkness, through a strange country, black with
coal mines, through dark pine woods, where a wild peasantry dwelt in
little mining towns. Here and there, a few men and women passed us on
the road, in their Sunday finery; then a long space of silence, and we
were in the open country, galloping between broad fields; and always in
a haze of lovely hills, which I saw more distinctly as we drove back
next morning.

The return to Dux was like a triumphal entry, as we dashed through the
market-place filled with people come for the Monday market, pots and
pans and vegetables strewn in heaps all over the ground, on the rough
paving stones, up to the great gateway of the castle, leaving but just
room for us to drive through their midst. I had the sensation of an
enormous building: all Bohemian castles are big, but this one was like a
royal palace. Set there in the midst of the town, after the Bohemian
fashion, it opens at the back upon great gardens, as if it were in the
midst of the country. I walked through room after room, along corridor
after corridor; everywhere there were pictures, everywhere portraits of
Wallenstein, and battle-scenes in which he led on his troops. The
library, which was formed, or at least arranged, by Casanova, and which
remains as he left it, contains some 25,000 volumes, some of them of
considerable value; one of the most famous books in Bohemian literature,
Skala's History of the Church, exists in manuscript at Dux, and it is
from this manuscript that the two published volumes of it were printed.
The library forms part of the Museum, which occupies a ground-floor wing
of the castle. The first room is an armoury, in which all kinds of arms
are arranged, in a decorative way, covering the ceiling and the walls
with strange patterns. The second room contains pottery, collected by
Casanova's Waldstein on his Eastern travels. The third room is full of
curious mechanical toys, and cabinets, and carvings in ivory. Finally,
we come to the library, contained in the two innermost rooms. The book-
shelves are painted white, and reach to the low-vaulted ceilings, which
are whitewashed. At the end of a bookcase, in the corner of one of the
windows, hangs a fine engraved portrait of Casanova.

After I had been all over the castle, so long Casanova's home, I was
taken to Count Waldstein's study, and left there with the manuscripts. I
found six huge cardboard cases, large enough to contain foolscap paper,
lettered on the back: 'Grafl. Waldstein-Wartenberg'sches Real
Fideicommiss. Dux-Oberleutensdorf: Handschriftlicher Nachlass Casanova.'
The cases were arranged so as to stand like books; they opened at the
side; and on opening them, one after another, I found series after
series of manuscripts roughly thrown together, after some pretence at
arrangement, and lettered with a very generalised description of
contents. The greater part of the manuscripts were in Casanova's
handwriting, which I could see gradually beginning to get shaky with
years. Most were written in French, a certain number in Italian. The
beginning of a catalogue in the library, though said to be by him, was
not in his handwriting. Perhaps it was taken down at his dictation.
There were also some copies of Italian and Latin poems not written by
him. Then there were many big bundles of letters addressed to him,
dating over more than thirty years. Almost all the rest was in his own
handwriting.

I came first upon the smaller manuscripts, among which I, found, jumbled
together on the same and on separate scraps of paper, washing-bills,
accounts, hotel bills, lists of letters written, first drafts of letters
with many erasures, notes on books, theological and mathematical notes,
sums, Latin quotations, French and Italian verses, with variants, a long
list of classical names which have and have not been 'francises,' with
reasons for and against; 'what I must wear at Dresden'; headings without
anything to follow, such as: 'Reflexions on respiration, on the true
cause of youth-the crows'; a new method of winning the lottery at Rome;
recipes, among which is a long printed list of perfumes sold at Spa; a
newspaper cutting, dated Prague, 25th October 1790, on the thirty-
seventh balloon ascent of Blanchard; thanks to some 'noble donor' for
the gift of a dog called 'Finette'; a passport for 'Monsieur de
Casanova, Venitien, allant d'ici en Hollande, October 13, 1758 (Ce
Passeport bon pour quinze jours)', together with an order for post-
horses, gratis, from Paris to Bordeaux and Bayonne.'

Occasionally, one gets a glimpse into his daily life at Dux, as in this
note, scribbled on a fragment of paper (here and always I translate the
French literally): 'I beg you to tell my servant what the biscuits are
that I like to eat; dipped in wine, to fortify my stomach. I believe
that they can all be found at Roman's.' Usually, however, these notes,
though often suggested by something closely personal, branch off into
more general considerations; or else begin with general considerations,
and end with a case in point. Thus, for instance, a fragment of three
pages begins: 'A compliment which is only made to gild the pill is a
positive impertinence, and Monsieur Bailli is nothing but a charlatan;
the monarch ought to have spit in his face, but the monarch trembled
with fear.' A manuscript entitled 'Essai d'Egoisme,' dated, 'Dux, this
27th June, 1769,' contains, in the midst of various reflections, an
offer to let his 'appartement' in return for enough money to
'tranquillise for six months two Jew creditors at Prague.' Another
manuscript is headed 'Pride and Folly,' and begins with a long series of
antitheses, such as: 'All fools are not proud, and all proud men are
fools. Many fools are happy, all proud men are unhappy.' On the same
sheet follows this instance or application:

Whether it is possible to compose a Latin distich of the greatest beauty
without knowing either the Latin language or prosody. We must examine
the possibility and the impossibility, and afterwards see who is the man
who says he is the author of the distich, for there are extraordinary
people in the world. My brother, in short, ought to have composed the
distich, because he says so, and because he confided it to me tete-'a-
tete. I had, it is true, difficulty in believing him; but what is one to
do! Either one must believe, or suppose him capable of telling a lie
which could only be told by a fool; and that is impossible, for all
Europe knows that my brother is not a fool.

Here, as so often in these manuscripts, we seem to see Casanova thinking
on paper. He uses scraps of paper (sometimes the blank page of a letter,
on the other side of which we see the address) as a kind of informal
diary; and it is characteristic of him, of the man of infinitely curious
mind, which this adventurer really was, that there are so few merely
personal notes among these casual jottings. Often, they are purely
abstract; at times, metaphysical 'jeux d'esprit,' like the sheet of
fourteen 'Different Wagers,' which begins:

I wager that it is not true that a man who weighs a hundred pounds will
weigh more if you kill him. I wager that if there is any difference, he
will weigh less. I wager that diamond powder has not sufficient force to
kill a man.

Side by side with these fanciful excursions into science, come more
serious ones, as in the note on Algebra, which traces its progress since
the year 1494, before which 'it had only arrived at the solution of
problems of the second degree, inclusive.' A scrap of paper tells us
that Casanova 'did not like regular towns.' 'I like,' he says, 'Venice,
Rome, Florence, Milan, Constantinople, Genoa.' Then he becomes abstract
and inquisitive again, and writes two pages, full of curious, out-of-
the-way learning, on the name of Paradise:

The name of Paradise is a name in Genesis which indicates a place of
pleasure (lieu voluptueux): this term is Persian. This place of pleasure
was made by God before he had created man.

It may be remembered that Casanova quarrelled with Voltaire, because
Voltaire had told him frankly that his translation of L'Ecossaise was a
bad translation. It is piquant to read another note written in this
style of righteous indignation:

Voltaire, the hardy Voltaire, whose pen is without bit or bridle;
Voltaire, who devoured the Bible, and ridiculed our dogmas, doubts, and
after having made proselytes to impiety, is not ashamed, being reduced to the extremity of life, to ask for the sacraments, and to cover his body with more relics than St. Louis had at Amboise.