A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering 66

A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering 66

THE POLL OF THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION, 1807. ELECTION

CANDIDATES, OR THE REPUBLICAN GOOSE AT THE TOP OF THE POLL. ON

THE POLL: BURDETT, COCHRANE, ELLIOTT, SHERIDAN, PAULL; BELOW

ARE TEMPLE, GREY, GRANVILLE, PETTY, ETC. BY JAMES GILLRAY. #/ ]

 

The further results of the contest are shown as the “Poll of the

Westminster Election.” According to Gillray’s figurative version,

Burdett, still as the goose with wounded limb, is pitchforked

to the top, whence he is hissing at the Crown as the “Sun of the

Constitution;” his political tutor, travestied as the Evil One, is

helping his rise; Lord Cochrane, flourishing a club, marked, “Reform,”

is second; Elliot, the brewer, as “Quassia,” is overset; Sheridan, in

his old Harlequin suit, is slipping down, never to rise again; and

Paull, with his leg damaged, has come down with a run, he having cut

an insignificant figure in the polling; the members of the dismissed

ministry are commemorating Burdett’s triumph with “rough music.” This

version, which contains a number of portraits, is entitled--

 

“Election Candidates; or, the Republican Goose at the Top of

the Pol(l)e--the Devil Helping Behind! _vide_ Mr. Paull’s

Letter, _article_ Horne Tooke. Also an exact representation

of Sawney M’Cockran (Lord Cochrane) flourishing the Cudgel of

Naval Reform, lent him by Cobbett, and mounting triumphantly

over a small Beer Barrel, together with an old Drury Lane

Harlequin trying in vain to make a spring to the top of the

pole, and slipping down again; and lastly, poor Little Paull,

the Tailor done over! wounded by a Goose, and not a leg to

stand on.” (May 20, 1807.)

 

[Illustration:

 

THE HEAD OF THE POLL; OR, THE WIMBLEDON SHOWMAN AND HIS PUPPET.

1807. TOOKE AND BURDETT. #/ ]

 

The support and assistance afforded by the author of the “Diversions

of Purley” to his pupil are further indicated in a caricature which

represented the “Brentford Parson” carrying the candidate at the end

of his _pole_, and, as in the former example, exhibiting Burdett to

the crowd assembled in Covent Garden, under the title of “The Head of

the Poll; or, the Wimbledon Showman and his Puppet.” Horne Tooke is

advertising “The finest puppet in the world, gentlemen; entirely of my

own formation. I have only to say the word, and he’ll do anything.”

 

Another view of a hustings is afforded by the caricaturist. From the

platform a select few of superannuated statesmen are addressing the

constituents, in this instance pictured as calves. This version,

which is by Gillray, represents a phase of the “Patriotic Petitions

on the Convention” (of Cintra); “The Chelmsford Petition,” with

Patriots addressing the Essex Calves--who, it is notified, are “To

be sold to the highest bidder.” Lord Temple is unfolding the _Essex

Petition_--“Horrid Convention! Ministers firing the Park guns;

Armistice in French lingoes!” Earl St. Vincent is appealing to the

electors, and declaring that all the misfortunes are due to the want of

him; the gouty veteran is supported by the Marquis of Buckingham, who

is asserting “It’s all for want of us, Gentlemen Calves!” sentiments

which the other occupants of the platform, Windham and Lord Henry

Petty, are applauding.

 

[Illustration: Marquis of Buckingham.

 

Lord Temple.

 

Lord H. Petty.

 

Earl St. Vincent.

 

THE CHELMSFORD PETITION: PATRIOTS ADDRESSING THE ESSEX CALVES.]

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER XII.

 

ELECTIONEERING CARTOONS AND SQUIBS, 1807-20.

 

 

It was the “royal” Duke of Norfolk, who, on the appeal to the country

which followed the downfall of Lord Granville’s Ministry of “all the

Talents,” declared in the true spirit of the old political grandees,

“After all, what greater enjoyment can there be in life than to stand a

contested election for Yorkshire, and to win it by one?” The harder and

more costly the fight, the better the fun, and the more relishable the

victory which stirred the blood of the Howards.

 

It is curious to view the precise Wilberforce, as pictured by himself,

entertaining at midnight suppers his constituents, the Hull freemen

located in London, to the number of three hundred, at waterside

public-houses round Wapping, and by his addresses to them “gaining

confidence in public speaking.” As a young man, only just of age,

Wilberforce successfully contested a seat for Hull. His entry to the

senate cost him between £8000 and £9000, on his own showing.

 

“By long-established custom the single vote of a resident

elector was rewarded with a donation of two guineas; four were

paid for a plumper, and the expenses of a freeman’s journey

from London averaged £10 apiece. The letter of the law was not

broken, because the money was not paid until the last day on

which election petitions could be presented.”

 

This early success of Wilberforce was won in opposition to the

paramount influence of Lord Rockingham, and that of the Government,

“always strong at a seaport;” but this contest sinks into

insignificance beside Wilberforce’s later experiences. It was after

the philanthropist had already represented the county of Yorkshire for

twenty-three years that, on the unexpected dissolution in 1807, he

found himself plunged in the most expensive contest on record, one in

which it was alleged half a million of money was squandered, and which

has been aptly designated the “Austerlitz of Electioneering.”

 

Wilberforce’s opponents were Lord Milton, backed by the powerful

influence of his father, Earl Fitzwilliam, and with the active

co-operation of the Duke of Norfolk; and the Hon. H. Lascelles, in

promoting whose return his father, Lord Harewood, was “ready to spend

his whole Barbados property.” When the great abolitionist arrived

in York, he found his rivals had already marshalled their forces,

retained all the law-agents, and engaged canvassers, houses of

entertainment, and every species of conveyance in any considerable

town. As Wilberforce assured his friends on the nomination day, when

nearly every hand was uplifted in his favour, “he would never expose

himself to the imputation of endeavouring to make a seat in the House

of Commons subservient to the repair of a dilapidated fortune,” a

vast subscription was set on foot to defray the expenses he incurred

in standing, and, within a week, this fund reached £64,455. At the

hustings, the high sheriff declared the majority in favour of Lord

Milton and the Hon. H. Lascelles, whereupon a poll was demanded by

Mr. Wilberforce, which commenced at once, and continued for fifteen

days. The high sheriff presided in court, and the poll was taken at

thirteen booths in York Castle yard. For the first few days Wilberforce

stood so low that his professional adviser stated that “the sooner he

resigned the better.” While the heavy purses had secured every mode of

conveyance, even to “mourning coaches,” Wilberforce’s adherents were,

at their own charges, slowly making their way to the poll.

 

“No carriages are to be procured,” says a letter from Hull,

“but boats are proceeding up the river heavily laden with

voters; farmers lend their waggons; even donkeys have the

honour of carrying voters for Wilberforce, and hundreds are

proceeding on foot. This is just as it should be. No money can

convey all the voters, but if their feelings are roused his

election is secure.”

 

“How did you come up?” they asked a countryman who had “plumped” for

Wilberforce, and who denied having spent anything on his journey.

“Sure enow I cam all’d way ahint Lord Milton’s carriage.” Vast hosts

of mounted freeholders rode in bodies to York, and, when interrogated,

“For what parties do you come?” the response was, “Wilberforce” to a

man, and these continued to arrive both by day and night. The _York

Herald_ summarizes the excitement of the election:--

 

“Nothing since the days of the revolution has ever presented to

the world such a scene as this great county for fifteen days

and nights. Repose or rest have been unknown in it, except it

was seen in a messenger asleep upon his post-horse, or in his

carriage. Every day the roads in every direction to and from

every remote part of the county have been covered with vehicles

loaded with voters; and barouches, curricles, gigs, flying

waggons, and military cars with eight horses, crowded sometimes

with forty voters, have been scouring the country, leaving not

the slightest chance for the quiet traveller to urge his humble

journey, or find a chair at an inn to sit down upon.”

 

As Wilberforce’s majority increased, the “Miltonians” and “Lascellites”

freely resorted to tricky manœuvres included among “election tactics.”

Falsehoods about “coalitions” were circulated; it was asserted there

was “an unholy alliance” between “Saint and Sinner”--Wilberforce

and Harewood House; that the great slave abolitionist was in league

with the “Nigger Driver,” otherwise Lord Harewood, the holder of the

Barbados slave property. “Then,” says Wilberforce, “the mob-directing

system--twenty bruisers sent for, Firby, Gully, and others.” It was

the object of Milton’s “bravos” to drown Wilberforce’s refutations

of the “Coalition” charge, and when he addressed the people, the mob

interrupted his explanation. “Print what you have to say in a handbill,

and let them read it, since they will not hear you,” cried a friend.

“They read indeed!” said Wilberforce. “What, do you suppose that men

who make such a noise as these fellows can read?” This sally won the

heart of the crowd. To the other false rumours against him was added

that of his own death; four days before the election closed he was

attacked by an epidemic which disabled him from taking a further

personal share in the struggle. Wilberforce stood at the head of the

poll with 11,806 votes, Lord Milton was returned with 11,177, and

Lascelles was defeated, with 10,989.