A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering 43
“The merchants of London, to the number of six or eight
hundred, amongst whom were Dutch, Jews, and any officious
tools that they could assemble, having signed one of those
servile panegyrics [addresses], set out in a long procession of
coaches, to carry it to St. James’s.”
The _modus operandi_ by which the address was promoted is fancifully
summed up in the plate of the _Oxford Magazine_, vol. ii., p. 134, “The
Principal Merchants and Traders assembled at the Merchant Seamen’s
Office, to sign ye Address.” This print represents a further stage in
the progress of the transaction. The _Public Advertiser_, March 11,
1769, announces, “For these two Days past, numbers of the Merchants
and principal Traders of London have attended at the Merchant Seamen’s
Office, over the Royal Exchange, in order to sign an Address to his
Majesty, etc.”
It is stated in the _Oxford Magazine_, “So eager were the ministers to
procure a long list of subscribers that, it is credibly reported, some
of the addresses of the then ‘City Merchants,’ were signed by cobblers,
porters, chairmen, livery-servants, and the very meanest of the rabble;
for as the number of hands was the chief point of view, they cared
but little of what rank or condition they were.” The caricaturist has
carried out this view of the signatories. The chairman or president is
a butcher, whose tray, containing a shoulder of mutton, is laid down
at his feet; he is filled with loyal frenzy, and, with his butcher’s
knife grasped ready for action, is exclaiming, “I shall stick my knife
in _Magna Charta_, and cut up the carcase of the Bill of Rights.” A
porter, with his knot, is anathematizing Wilkes’s “swivel eyes,” and
wishing he “may sink under his load.” The petition is being signed by
a barber, with his bowl under his arm, together with an aldermanic wig
just ordered: “Ah, I’ve got an order for a new wig, only for signing
my name.” A Scotch pedlar, with pack and staff, one of Lord Bute’s
followers, declares, “Sawney mun sign too, gin it be to the De’il, for
my guid laird’s sake.” A journeyman baker, with a basketful of loaves
on his back, is coming in succession, well paid for his assistance:
“Brother Merchants, follow my example, and you’ll never want bread;”
and even a sooty chimney-sweep has expectations of ministerial
patronage, “Who knows but I may be appointed to a Chimney at Court?”
Prominent among those at the table whereon is the much-denounced
“Address,” is a Jew money-jobber, who is elated at his prospects of
a Treasury “job,” “Oh! for a large portion of scrip!” and the Dutch
stockbroker, Van Scrip, is exclaiming, “Ah! de gross Scrip for Mynheer
too,”--the subscription scrip to government loans, profitable to those
who secured preference allotments, and, as described, alleged to be
manipulated by the ministry in the nature of bribery.
The strictures provoked upon the underhand methods by which these
addresses were forced upon the public are exemplified in an “Epistle
to the _North Briton_,” which appeared in the _Oxford Magazine_, to
accompany the engraving of the “Addressing Merchants.” The epistle is
lengthy, and we have only room for the opening passages. It is possibly
written by the “Brentford Parson;” indeed, the manner as well as matter
indicates the authorship suggested. The motto is given, “There is
nothing new under the sun” (_Eccles._ i. 9)--
“And so, sir, what you have often foretold is at last come to
pass. We are fairly fallen back into the very dregs of the
Stuart reigns. The party of _Abhorrers_ is once more revived;
of those _Abhorrers_, who, in the reign of King Charles the
Second, expressed their detestation of all the patriotic and
public spirited, as I would say--but, as they were pleased
to call them, the factious and insolent petitions that were
presented to the king for assembling a parliament, and for
securing the other rights and liberties of the People.
“That such wretches should have existed at a time when the
Sovereign claimed, and many of his subjects were willing to
allow him, a divine, indefeasible, hereditary right to play the
tyrant, and to destroy the constitution is nothing strange; but
that any such should be found in the reign of a prince, whose
family was advanced to the throne in direct contradiction to
this absurd principle, would be really surprising, did we not
know that human nature is always the same, and that though the
seeds of slavery may be smothered for a time, yet whenever
they meet with the vivifying influence of court sunshine, they
immediately begin to quicken, and to spring up with vigour. And
never, sure, did these seeds meet with a more fertile soil,
or a more benign sky, than under the present arbitrary and
despotic administration, when every man is sure to be rewarded
in exact proportion to the servility of his character.
“In this respect, indeed, the present ministers have greatly
the advantage of all that have gone before them; for I do
not remember a single compliment paid to the _Abhorrers_, in
the reign of King Charles the Second, except the honour of
knighthood conferred upon Francis Withers, Esq., who procured
and presented the Address from the City of Westminster. But
how much more grateful and generous have been our present
ministers! They have made the late chief City Magistrate a
Privy Councillor, and have given him a contract with government
for clothing soldiers, worth £1000 per annum. They have
pardoned the murderers MacLaughlin, Balfe, and McQuirk, and
have even granted them pensions. This, say the ministry, is
only supporting their friends; but, if murderers be their
friends, I believe few people will envy them the credit of such
a connection.
“Some of the addresses in the reign of the Stuarts breathed a
very free and independent spirit. That of the Quakers, upon the
accession of King James the Second, may serve as an instance.
It was conceived in the following terms:--
“‘We come,’ said they, ‘to testify our sorrow for the death of
our good friend Charles, and our joy for thy being made our
governor. We are told thou art not of the persuasion of the
Church of England, no more than we; wherefore we hope thou wilt
grant us the same liberty which thou allowest thyself. Which
doing, we wish thee all manner of happiness.’
“There we see the Quakers, with their usual plainness and
simplicity, very roundly tell his majesty, that he was not a
member of the church of England; a circumstance, which was
then thought by many, and hath since been declared by law, to
be sufficient to disqualify him for wearing the crown of these
Kingdoms.
“But how much more courtly and polite is the language of our
present Addressers. They not only pay the highest compliments
to the King, which he certainly deserves, they even offer
the most nauseous and fulsome flattery to his ministers and
servants, and express their entire approbation of every part
of their conduct. They must therefore approve of the robbery
committed upon the Duke of Portland, of the massacre in St.
George’s Fields, of the riot and murders at Brentford, of
withdrawing MacLaughlin from the cognizance of the laws, and of
pardoning Balfe and McQuirk after they had been fairly tried
and condemned by their country.
“But, not satisfied with declaring their approbation of the
conduct of the ministry, they express their utter abhorrence
and detestation of the conduct of those who have had the
presumption to oppose them. They must, therefore, _abhor_ the
conduct of the Freeholders of Middlesex, who chose Mr. Wilkes
and Mr. Serjeant Glynn, their representatives in parliament,
in spite of all the violent, outrageous, and illegal attempts
which the ministry made to prevent them. They must _abhor_
the conduct of the 139 independent members who voted against
the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes from an august assembly, of
which they form the respectable, and perhaps even the most
wealthy, tho’ not the most numerous part. They must _abhor_
the conduct of the Citizens of London, of the Citizens of
Westminster, of the Freeholders of Middlesex, and of all the
other counties and corporations, who, in their instructions to
their representatives, have disapproved of those very measures
which the Addressers approve. In a word, they must abhor the
conduct, at least the sentiments, of ninety-nine parts in a
hundred of the people of England, who, if taken separately, and
fairly interrogated, would be found to entertain opinions very
different from those of the Addressers.”
The “Battle of Cornhill,” otherwise the fight for the signatures to the
servile loyal address as already described, was followed by another
stage in the contest, an attempt to carry the address in state through
the city, the procession being stopped by a conflict in Fleet Street,
of which turbulent episode a caricature appeared, March 22, 1769, under
the title of the “Battle of Temple Bar.” The engraving offers a vista
of Fleet Street; the Devil Tavern, the arched entrance to the Temple,
and Nando’s Coffee-house are shown to the right; the gates of the bar
are closed, and around is a scene of confused conflict. The decapitated
heads of Fletcher and Townley, stuck on poles over Temple Bar, are
represented in conversation. The Jacobites executed for their share in
the Scottish raid of 1745 are inquiring whether the Addressers are not
“friends to the cause which we all love so dear,” and which had planted
their heads on the bar over twenty years before. A carriage, drawn by
two horses, is the centre of the struggle; the coachman is observing
“They all seem in a fair way;” the rabble are pelting the vehicle,
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