A History of Parliamentary Elections and Electioneering 17
If any man shall pervert this good meaning and motion of yours,
and inform his Majesty, _’Tis a Derogation from his Honour to
yield to his subjects upon Conditions_, his Majesty shall have
good cause to prove such men’s eyes malicious and unthankful,
and thereby to disprove them in all their outer actions; for
what can it lessen the reputation of a Prince whom the subject
only and wholly obeyeth, that a _Parliament_ which his Majesty
doth acknowledge to be his highest Council, should advise him,
and he follow the advice of such a Council? What dishonour
rather were it to be advised and ruled by one Councillor alone,
against whom there is just one exception taken of the whole
Commonwealth?
Marcus Portio saith, that that Commonwealth is everlasting,
where the Prince seeks to get obedience and love, and the
subjects to gain the affection of the Prince; and that Kingdom
is unhappy where their Prince is served out of ends and hope of
reward, and hath no other assurance of them but their service.”
The substitution of Oxford, “the hot-bed of Toryism,” for Westminster
as the place of assembly for what proved Charles II.’s last parliament,
was violently opposed by the members, who naturally resented this royal
manœuvre of cutting off the representatives from the protection of the
citizens. A petition remonstrating against the change was presented by
Essex and sixteen other Peers; this darkly set forth dangers to the
Crown, and reminded the king of the disasters which had always followed
similar departures from the rule of London parliaments. Charles
frowned, but took no heed. The parliament, forced into submission,
attended at Oxford, Shaftesbury and other adherents taking with them
a body-guard of armed retainers, citizens of London, wearing the
Association green ribbons, with the legend, “No Popery: no Slavery!”
“Who was ’t gave out, that a thousand Watermen
Had all conspir’d to Petition, when
The parliament to Oxford were conven’d,
That they might sit at Westminster for them;
But ne’er were heard of more than Smith and Ben?[25]
Who was ’t endeavour’d all that preparations
To guard the City Members in their stations
To Oxford; which look’d far more Arbitrary
Than _Forty-One_, or absolute Old Harry.”
The doctors were dispossessed from their seats to make way for the
legislators:--
“The safety of the King and ’s Royal Throne
Depends on those five hundred Kings alone.”
Parliament met March 21, 1681. Of its short existence of eight days,
three were consumed in formalities, the choice of a Speaker, and
other preliminaries. The course of the action of the members was
predetermined. They were to insist on the banishment and exclusion
of the Duke of York from the succession. The impeachment was to be
proceeded with of Fitz-Harris, who was imprisoned and awaiting trial,
on an information of Everard, for being the author of a treasonable
libel; it was understood, or at least expected, that the Duchess
of Portsmouth and others of the Court would be implicated in his
confession. The Lords voted that he should be proceeded against at
Common Law, by which decision the Commons were craftily involved in a
struggle for privilege and power with the Peers, who were also less
impatient than themselves to carry the Exclusion Bill, the Lower House
resolving that “it is the undoubted right of the Commons in parliament
assembled to impeach before the Lords in parliament any Peer or
Commoner for treason or any other crime or misdemeanour; and that the
refusal of the Lords to proceed in parliament upon such impeachment is
a denial of justice and a violation of the constitution.”[26]
This squabble between the two branches of the legislature exactly
answered the king’s occasions; he made this a pretence for again
dissolving the parliament, thus saving his brother and the Duchess
of Portsmouth from the designs of the Commons. As it was, Charles
coolly dismissed them as impracticable and useless, telling them, “he
perceived there were great heats between the Lords and Commons, and
their beginnings had been such as he could expect no good success of
this parliament, and therefore thought fit to dissolve them.” This was
on the 28th of March. On this point the Rev. J. W. Ebsworth, M.A., who
has edited the “Bagford Ballads,” which illustrate the last years of
the Stuarts, remarks--
“Had they been in London, there can be no doubt they would
have resisted, calling the City to support them, and voted
themselves permanent, to the defiance of the King and a
commencement of civil war. He saw their plan, and conquered
them.”
It was the lesson of “forty-one” to be taught again, as was
prophetically hinted by “the ghost of the late Parliament to the New
One to meet at Oxford.” In reference to the tyranny of the Commons,
as opposed to the absolutism of the Crown, we find a _Loyal Poem_,
entitled--
“THE PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED AT OXFORD.
MARCH 28, 1681.
“Under five hundred kings Three Kingdoms grone:
Go, Finch,[27] Dissolve them, Charles is on the throne,
And by the grace of God, will reign alone.
“The Presbyterians, sick of too much freedom,
Are ripe for Bethle’m, it’s high time to bleed ’em,
The Second Charles does neither fear nor need ’em.
“I’ll have the world know that I can dissipate
Those _Impolitick Mushrooms of our State_,
’Tis easier to _dissolve_ than to _create_.
“They shan’t cramp Justice with their feigned flaws;
For since I govern only by the Laws, (!)
Why they should be exempt, I see no cause.”
The actual “Oxford Poem” in the Bagford Collection is addressed:--
“ON PARLIAMENT REMOVING FROM LONDON TO OXFORD.
“You London lads be merry,
Your Parliament friends have gone
That made us all so sorry
And would not leave us alone.”
“THE WHIGS’ DOWNFALL.
“To perfect which, they made their choice
Of parliaments of late,
Of members that had nought but voice,
And Megrims in their pate.
_Wi Williams_ he the Speaker was,
And is’t not wondrous strange;
The reason’s plain, he told it was,
Because they would not change;
He told you truth, nor think it strange;
He knew well their intent,
They never meant themselves to change,
But change the Government.
For now cry they ‘The King’s so poor,
He dares not with us part;
And therefore we most loyally
Will break his royal heart.’”
For a fine, ancient, divine-right-of-kings effusion commend us to the
following full-flavoured High Tory manifesto:--
“TO MR. E. L. ON HIS MAJESTY’S DISSOLVING THE LATE PARLIAMENT AT
OXFORD.
“An Atheist now must a Monster be,
Of strange gigantic birth
His omnipotence does let all men see,
That our King’s a God on earth.
“_Fiat_, says he, by proclamation,
And the parliament is created:
He repents of his work, the Dissolution
Makes all annihilated.
“We Scholars were expell’d awhile,
To let the Senators in;
But they behav’d themselves as vile,
So we return again:
“And wonder to see our Geometry School
All round about be-seated,
Though there’s no need of an Euclid’s rule
To demonstrate ’em all defeated.
“The Commons their Voting Problems would
In Riddles so involve,
That what the Peers scarce understood,
The King was forc’d to solve.
“The Commons for a good omen chose
An old consulting station:
Being glad to dispossess their foes
O th’ House of Convocation.
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