2015년 3월 26일 목요일

Henry the Second 8

Henry the Second 8



The business of the larger courts, too, was for the most part carried on
in French under sheriff, or bailiff, or lord of the manor. The Norman
nobles did not know Latin, they were but gradually learning English; the
bulk of the lesser clergy perhaps spoke Latin, but did not know Norman;
the poorer people spoke only English; the clerks who from this time began
to note down the proceedings of the king's judges in Latin must often
have been puzzled by dialects of English strange to him. When each side
in a trial claimed its own customary law, and neither side understood the
speech of the other, the president of the court had every temptation to
be despotic and corrupt, and the interpreter between him and his suitors
became an important person who had much influence in deciding what mode
of procedure was to be followed. The sheriff, often holding a hereditary
post and fearing therefore no check to his despotism, added to the burden
of the unhappy freeholders by a custom of summoning at his own fancy
special courts, and laying heavy fines on those who did not attend them.
Even when the law was fairly administered there was a growing number of
cases in which the rigid forms of the court actually inflicted injustice,
as questions constantly arose which lay far outside the limits of the old
customary law of the Germanic tribes, or of the scanty knowledge of Roman
law which had penetrated into other codes. The men of that day looked too
often with utter hopelessness to the administration of justice; there was
no peril so great in all the dangers that surrounded their lives as the
peril of the law; there was no oppression so cruel as the oppression
wrought by the harsh and rigid forms of the courts. From such calamities
the miserable and despairing victims could look for no help save from the
miraculous aid of the saints; and society at that time, as indeed it has
been known to do in later days, was for ever appealing from the iniquity
of law to God,--to a God who protected murderers if they murdered Jews,
and defended robbers if they plundered usurers, who was, indeed, above
all law, and was supposed to distribute a violent and arbitrary justice,
answering to the vulgar notion of an equity unknown on earth.
 
We catch a glimpse of a trial of the time in the story of a certain
Ailward, whose neighbour had refused to pay a debt which he owed him.
Ailward took the law into his own hands, and broke into the house of his
debtor, who had gone to the tavern and had left his door fastened with
the lock hanging down outside, and his children playing within. Ailward
carried off as security for his debt the lock, a gimlet, and some tools,
and a whetstone which hung from the roof. As he sauntered home, however,
his furious neighbour overtook him, having heard from the children what
had been done. He snatched the whetstone from Ailward's hand and dealt
him a blow on the head with it, stabbed him in the arm with a knife, and
then triumphantly carried him to the house which, he had robbed, and
there bound him as "an open thief" with the stolen goods upon him. A
crowd gathered round, and an evil fellow, one Fulk, the apparitor, an
underling of the sheriff employed to summon criminals to the court,
remarked that as a thief could not legally be mutilated unless he had
taken to the value of a shilling, it would be well to add a few articles
to the list of stolen goods. Perhaps Ailward had won ill-fame as a
creditor, or even, it may be, a money-lender in the village, for his
neighbours clearly bore him little goodwill. The crowd readily consented.
A few odds and ends were gathered--a bundle of skins, gowns, linen, and
an iron tool,--and were laid by Ailward's side; and the next day, with
the bundle hung about his neck, he was taken before the sheriff and the
knights, who were then holding a Shire Court. The matter was thought
doubtful; judgment was delayed, and Ailward was made fast in Bedford
jail for a month, till the next county court. There the luckless man sent
for a priest of the neighbourhood, and confessing his sins from his youth
up, he was bidden to hope in the prayers of the blessed Virgin and of all
the saints against the awful terrors of the law, and received a rod to
scourge himself five times daily; while through the gloom shone the
glimmer of hope that having been baptized on the vigil of Pentecost,
water could not drown him nor fire burn him if he were sent to the
ordeal. At last the month went by and he was again carried to the Shire
Court, now at Leighton Buzzard. In vain he demanded single combat with
Fulk, or the ordeal by fire; Fulk, who had been bribed with an ox,
insisted on the ordeal of water, so that he should by no means escape.
Another month passed in the jail of Bedford before he was given up to be
examined by the ordeal. Whether he underwent it or whether he pleaded
guilty when the judges met is uncertain, but however this might be, "he
received the melancholy sentence of condemnation; and being taken to the
place of punishment, his eyes were pulled out and he was mutilated, and
his members were buried in the earth in the presence of a multitude of
persons."
 
Nor was there for the mass of the people any real help or security to be
found in an appeal to the supreme tribunal of the realm where the king
sat in council with his ministers. This still remained a tribunal of
exceptional resort to which appeals were rare. There was one Richard
Anesty, who, in these first years of Henry's reign, desired to prove in
the King's Court his right to hold a certain property. For five years
Richard, his brother, and a multitude of helpers, were incessantly busied
in this arduous task. The court followed the king, and the king might be
anywhere from York to the Garonne. The unhappy suitor might well have
joined in a complaint once made by a secretary of Henry in search of his
master: "Solomon saith there be three things difficult to be found out,
and a fourth which may hardly be discovered: the way of an eagle in the
air; the way of a ship in the sea; the way of a serpent on the ground;
and the way of a man in his youth. I can add a fifth: the way of a king
in England." The whole business now done by post had then to be carried
on by laborious journeyings, in which we hear again and again that horses
died on the road; if a writ were needed from king or queen, if the royal
seal were required, or a certificate from a bishop, or a letter from an
archbishop, special messengers posted across country; then the writ must
be carried in the same way to York, Lincoln, or elsewhere to be examined
by some famous lawyer, sometimes an Italian learned in the last legal
fashions of the day; perhaps it was pronounced faulty, or it might be
that the seal of justiciar or archbishop was refused on its return from
the lawyer, and the same business had to begin all over again; twice
messengers had to be sent to Rome, the journey each way taking at least
forty days of incessant and dangerous travelling. When at last the
appointed day for judgment by the justiciar came, friends, helpers, and
witnesses had to be called together in the same laborious way, and
transported at great cost to the place of trial, and there kept waiting
till news was brought that the plea could not then be heard; and thus
again and again the luckless suitor was summoned, each time to a
different town in England. In every town he was forced by his necessities
to borrow money from some Jew, who demanded about eighty-seven per cent
for the loan; and when at last, as Richard was worn out with the delays
of justiciars, Henry appeared on the scene, and, "thanks to our lord the
king," the land was adjudged to the suitor, he had to raise fresh money
to fee the lawyers, the bishop's staff, the officers of the King's Court,
the king's physicians, the king and queen, besides the sums which must be
given to his helpers and pleaders. The end of the story leaves him
mournfully counting up a long list of Jewish creditors, who bid fair to
exhaust the profits of his new possessions.
 
Such were in brief outline some of the difficulties which made order and
justice hard to win. Society was helpless to protect itself: news spread
slowly, the communication of thought was difficult, common action was
impossible. Amid all the shifting and half understood problems of
medieval times there was only one power to which men could look to protect
them against lawlessness, and that was the power of the king. No external
restraints were set upon his action; his will was without contradiction.
The medieval world with fervent faith believed that he was the very spring
and source of justice. In an age when all about him was changing, and when
there was no organized machinery for the administration of law, the king
had himself to be judge, lawgiver, soldier, financier, and administrator;
the great highways and rivers of the kingdom were in "his peace;" the
greater towns were in his demesne; he was guardian of the poor and
defender of the trader; he was finance minister in a society where
economic conditions were rapidly changing; here presented a developed
system of law as opposed to the primitive customs of feud and private war;
he was the only arbiter of questions that grew out of the new conflict of
classes and interests; he alone could decree laws at his absolute will and
pleasure, and could command the power to carry out his decrees; there was
not even a professional lawyer who was not in his court and bound to his
service.
 
Henry saw and used his opportunity. Even as a youth of twenty-one he
assumed absolute control in his courts with a knowledge and capacity which
made him fully able to meet trained lawyers, such as his chancellor,
Thomas, or his justiciar, De Lucy. Cool, businesslike, and prompt, he set
himself to meet the vast mass of arrears, the questions of jurisdiction
and of disputed property, which had arisen even as far back as the time of
Henry I., and had gone unsettled through the whole reign of Stephen, to
the ruin and havoc of the lands in question. He examined every charter
that came before him; if any was imperfect he was ready to draw one up
with his own hand; he watched every difficult point of law, noted every
technical detail, laid down his own position with brief decision. In the
uncertain and transitional state of the law the king's personal
interference knew scarcely any limits, and Henry used his power freely.
But his unswerving justice never faltered. Gilbert de Bailleul, in some
claim to property, ventured to make light of the charter of Henry I., by
which it was held. The king's wrath blazed up. "By the eyes of God," he
cried, "if you can prove this charter false, it would be worth a thousand
pounds to me! If," he went on, "the monks here could present such a
charter to prove their possession of Clarendon, which I love above all
places, there is no pretence by which I could refuse to give it up to
them!"
 
It is hard to realise the amazing physical endurance and activity which
was needed to do the work of a medieval king. Henry was never at rest. It
was only by the most arduous labour, by travel, by readiness of access to
all men, by inexhaustible patience in weighing complaint and criticism,
that he learned how the law actually worked in the remotest corners of
his land. He was scarcely ever a week in the same place; his life in
England was spent in continual progresses from south to north, from east
to west. The journeyings by rough trackways through "desert" and swamp
and forest, through the bleak moorlands of the Pennine Hills, or the
thickets and fens that choked the lower grounds, proved indeed a sore
trial for the temper of his courtiers; and bitter were the complaints of
the hardships that fell to the lot of the disorderly train that swept
after the king, the army of secretaries and lawyers, the mail-clad
knights and barons followed by their retainers, the archbishop and his
household, bishops and abbots and judges and suitors, with the "actors,
singers, dicers, confectioners, huxters, gamblers, buffoons, barbers, who
diligently followed the court." Knights and barons and clerks, accustomed
to the plenty and comfort of palace and castle, found themselves at the
mercy of every freak of the king's marshals, who on the least excuse

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