The Boys Life of Lafayette 17

The Boys Life of Lafayette 17

Yet the numbers that came to America were, after all, disappointingly

[Pg 133]small: far less than originally planned. That was because

the English managed to blockade all except the first division in the

harbor of Brest. This first division sailed on the 2d of May with

Admiral Ternay in command of the ships, and the gallant, cool-headed

Rochambeau, who was already fighting at the time Lafayette was born,

in command of the soldiers. He had five thousand effective men crowded

into the transports that left Brest with their convoy on a sunny day,

the many white sails filling to a breeze described as _"joli frais."_

But in spite of this auspicious beginning it was a tedious crossing,

longer in point of time than the first voyage of Columbus. The weary

soldiers soon came to call their transports "sabots" (wooden shoes),

and indeed some of them were scarcely larger. As our coast was neared

they crawled along at three knots an hour, with drums beating every

fifteen minutes to keep the ships in touch and prevent their drifting

away from each other in the heavy, persistent fog.

 

Washington had hoped that before the arrival of the French he could

gather sufficient force to justify him in attacking New York with their

help, for he was convinced that one success here would end the war. His

army was indeed "augmented more than one-half," as Lafayette wrote his

wife, but before the ships made their slow way across the Atlantic the

British had captured Charleston, and Clinton, who assisted Cornwallis

in that undertaking, had returned to New York with a force that raised

his strength there to twelve thousand regulars, in addition to Admiral

[Pg 134]Arbuthnot's fleet and several thousand militia and refugees.

Not all the earnestness of Washington, the efforts of Congress, nor the

enthusiasm of Lafayette had been able to raise men enough to attack

under these circumstances; and the signals displayed on Point Judith

and "the island of Block House" to guide the French directed them to

go to Newport as a convenient place from which the attack might yet be

made if events favored the allies.

 

Lafayette went to Newport to meet Rochambeau and plan co-operation. By

the time he reached there the situation was still worse, for an English

fleet which left home about the time Rochambeau sailed from France had

appeared, giving the British superior force alike on sea and land.

 

Admiral Ternay, who was not aggressive by nature, saw a repetition of

D'Estaing's failure looming ahead of him, and sent word to France that

the American cause was doomed. Rochambeau, being a better soldier, did

what he could; landed his men, freeing them from the confinement of the

"sabots;" and, upon a rumor that the British were advancing to attack,

helped several thousand militia prepare for defense. The rumor had a

foundation of truth. An expedition actually left New York, but was no

sooner started than Washington began threatening the city, whereupon

Clinton recalled his men, for there was no doubt that New York was the

more important place.

 

Having no knowledge of the country, and being thus hurried at the

moment of landing, from the rôle of aggressor which he had expected

[Pg 135]to play to one of defense, the situation seemed very serious

to the French general. Even after the recall of Clinton's expedition

he felt it most unwise to lose touch with his ships, and he had small

patience with Lafayette, who seemed inclined to talk about "advances."

Rochambeau was sure that his duty lay in waiting for the second

division of the French force, keeping strict discipline, meanwhile, in

a model camp, and paying liberally for supplies. This he did so well

that not an apple disappeared from the orchards in which the French

tents were pitched, not a cornstalk was bent in the fields near by,

and, as Lafayette assured Washington, the pigs and chickens of patriots

wandered at will through the French camp "without being deranged." The

French and Americans fraternized enthusiastically. "You would have been

amused the other day," Lafayette reported to his chief, "had you seen

two hundred and fifty of our recruits, who came to Connecticut without

provisions and without tents, mixing so well with the French troops

that each Frenchman, officer or soldier, took an American with him and

amicably gave him a share of his bed and supper."

 

The French soldiers were anxious to get out of Newport and at the

throats of the enemy, but Rochambeau was firm in his determination. He

desired a personal interview with Washington and felt a little hurt,

perhaps, that a youngster like Lafayette, who might easily have been

his own son, was made the means of communication. There was some doubt

whether Washington could enter into agreements with a representative

[Pg 136]of a foreign power until explicit authority had been given him

by Congress. It was one of those absurd technical questions of no real

importance that may cause a deal of trouble, and it was better not

to have it raised. Lafayette continued, therefore, to be occupied in

Newport with parleys and conferences and incidentally with meeting old

friends. His brother-in-law, De Noailles, was one of the officers who

had come out with the expedition.

 

Cross-purposes were bound to arise, and there were moments when

Lafayette's optimism got decidedly upon the nerves of Rochambeau. The

two came to the verge of quarrel, but both were too sensible to allow

themselves to be pushed over the edge. The breach was soon healed by a

letter of Rochambeau's in which he referred to himself as an old father

and his "dear Marquis" as an affectionate son. In Lafayette's private

account of this episode to his wife he wrote that "a slight excess of

frankness got me into a little controversy with those generals. Seeing

that I was not persuading them and that the public interest demanded we

be good friends, I admitted at random that I had been mistaken and was

to blame, and asked pardon in proper terms, which had such a magical

effect that we are now better friends than ever." Lafayette's friends

called him determined; his critics said that he was vain. Historians

aver that he was never convinced by argument.

 

August brought the unwelcome news that there was to be no second

division of the French army that year. This was the more disappointing

[Pg 137]because in addition to all else it meant the continued lack

of arms and ammunition and of clothing for fifteen thousand American

soldiers that Lafayette had caused to be manufactured in France, but

which had been left behind to come with this second division. He

confided to his cousin that the army was reduced to "a frugality, a

poverty, and a nudity which will, I hope, be remembered in the next

world, and counted, to our credit in purgatory." To his wife he wrote

that the ladies of Philadelphia had started a subscription to aid the

soldiers, and that he had put down her name for one hundred guineas;

that he was very well; that the life of an American soldier was

infinitely frugal; that "the fare of the general officers of the rebel

army is very different from that of the French at Newport."

 

The intelligence that no more French troops could be expected called

manifestly for new plans of campaign, and a conference between the

respective chiefs was finally arranged, which took place at Hartford

with considerable ceremony on the 20th of September. Washington had

with him General Knox and General Lafayette. The French general and

admiral were accompanied by as many subordinate officers as could find

plausible excuse to go along, for all were curious to meet the famous

General Washington.

 

At this conference the whole situation was discussed in detail, but no

way of winning the war without outside help was discovered. Rochambeau

sent his son, who had come to America with him, back to France with

[Pg 138]a formal account of the proceedings; while Washington and

Lafayette also sent letters to France by the son of that Mr. Laurens

who had offered Lafayette the hospitality of his traveling-carriage

after the battle of the Brandywine.

 

One chance of help still remained, even if the Ministry should consider

it impossible to despatch aid directly from France. The Comte de

Guichen, who commanded a fleet then in the West Indies, might be

persuaded to sail to the relief of the Americans if the letters could

be made sufficiently persuasive. Washington wrote directly to him as

well as to France, sending this letter through the French minister to

the United States, in order that everything might be diplomatically

correct and aboveboard.

 

 

[Pg 139]XVI

 

BLACK TREACHERY

 

 

Washington returned from his conference with the French commanders by

way of West Point to show Lafayette some improvements recently made in

the works. Several little accidents delayed the journey and brought

them to the house of the commander at a critical moment. We have

Lafayette's account, part of it written the very next day to the French

minister to the United States, part of it later to his wife.

 

"When I left you yesterday, M. le Chevalier, to come here to take

breakfast with General Arnold, we were very far from thinking of the

event which I am about to announce to you. You will shudder at the

danger we have run. You will be astonished at the miraculous chain

of accidents and circumstances by which we were saved.... West Point

was sold, and it was sold by Arnold! That same man who had covered

himself with glory by rendering valuable services to his country had

lately formed a horrid compact with the enemy. And but for the chance

which brought us here at a certain time, but for the chance which by

[Pg 140]a combination of accidents caused the adjutant-general of the

English army to fall into the hands of some countrymen beyond the line

of our own posts, West Point and the North River would probably be in

possession of our enemies.

 

"When we left Fishkill we were preceded by one of my aides-de-camp and

General Knox's aide, who found General and Mrs. Arnold at table and sat

down to breakfast with them. During that time two letters were brought

to General Arnold giving him information of the capture of the spy. He

ordered a horse to be saddled, went to his wife's room and told her

he was lost, and directed one of his aides-de-camp to say to General

Washington that he had gone to West Point and should return in an hour."

 

Arnold had been gone only thirty minutes when Washington and Lafayette

rode up.

 

"We crossed the river and went to look at the works. Judge of our

astonishment when, upon our return, we were informed that the captured

spy was Major André, the adjutant-general of the English army, and that

among the papers found upon him was a copy of a very important council

of war, a statement of the strength of the garrison and of the works,

and certain observations upon the methods of attack and defense, all

in General Arnold's handwriting.... A search was made for Arnold, but

he had escaped in a boat on board the sloop-of-war _Vulture_, and as

nobody suspected his flight, no sentry could have thought of arresting

him.... The first care of General Washington was to return to [Pg