2015년 7월 19일 일요일

The Provinces of the Roman Empire 9

The Provinces of the Roman Empire 9



From this standpoint we understand why Corbulo and Quadratus, instead
of crossing the Euphrates, entered into negotiations with Vologasus;
and not less why the latter, informed doubtless of the real designs of
the Romans, agreed to submit to the Romans in a similar way with his
predecessor, and to deliver to them as a pledge of peace a number of
hostages closely connected with the royal house. The return tacitly
agreed on for this was that the rule of Tiridates over Armenia should
be tolerated, and that a Roman pretender should not be set up. So
some years passed in a _de facto_ state of peace. But when Vologasus
and Tiridates did not agree to apply to the Roman government for the
investing of the latter with Armenia,[32] Corbulo took the offensive
against Tiridates in the year 58. The very policy of withdrawal and
concession, if it was not to appear to friend and foe as weakness,
needed a foil, and so either a formal and solemn recognition of the
Roman supremacy or, better still, a victory won by arms.
 
[Sidenote: Corbulo in Armenia.]
 
In the summer of the year 58 Corbulo led an army, tolerably fit
for fighting, of at least 30,000 men, over the Euphrates. The
reorganisation and the hardening of the troops were completed by
the campaign itself, and the first winter-quarters were taken up on
Armenian soil. In the spring of 59[33] he began the advance in the
direction of Artaxata. At the same time Armenia was invaded from
the north by the Iberians, whose king Pharasmanes, to cover his own
crimes, had caused his son Rhadamistus to be executed, and now further
endeavoured by good services to make his guilt be forgotten; and not
less by their neighbours to the north-west, the brave Moschi, and on
the south by Antiochus, king of Commagene. King Vologasus was detained
by the revolt of the Hyrcanians on the opposite side of the kingdom,
and could or would not interfere directly in the struggle. Tiridates
offered a courageous resistance, but he could do nothing against the
crushing superiority of force. In vain he sought to throw himself on
the lines of communication of the Romans, who obtained their necessary
supplies by way of the Black Sea and the port of Trapezus. The
strongholds of Armenia fell under the attacks of the Roman assailants,
and the garrisons were cut down to the last man. Defeated in a pitched
battle under the walls of Artaxata, Tiridates gave up the unequal
struggle, and went to the Parthians. Artaxata surrendered, and here,
in the heart of Armenia, the Roman army passed the winter. In the
spring of 60 Corbulo broke up from thence, after having burnt down
the town, and marched right across the country to its second capital
Tigranocerta, above Nisibis, in the basin of the Tigris. The terrors
of the destruction of Artaxata preceded him; serious resistance was
nowhere offered; even Tigranocerta voluntarily opened its gates to the
victor, who here in a well-calculated way allowed mercy to prevail.
Tiridates still made an attempt to return and to resume the struggle,
but was repulsed without special exertion. At the close of the summer
of 60 all Armenia was subdued, and stood at the disposal of the Roman
government.
 
[Sidenote: Tigranes, king of Armenia.]
 
It is intelligible that people in Rome now put Tiridates out of
account. The prince Tigranes, a great-grandson on the father’s side
of Herod the Great, on the mother’s of king Archelaus of Cappadocia,
related also to the old Marenian royal house on the female side, and
a nephew of one of the ephemeral rulers of Armenia in the last years
of Augustus, brought up in Rome, and entirely a tool of the Roman
government, was now (60) invested by Nero with the kingdom of Armenia,
and at the emperor’s command installed by Corbulo in its rule. In
the country there was left a Roman garrison, 1000 legionaries, and
from 3000 to 4000 cavalry and infantry of auxiliaries. A portion of
the border land was separated from Armenia and distributed among the
neighbouring kings, Polemon of Pontus and Trapezus, Aristobulus of
Lesser Armenia, Pharasmanes of Iberia and Antiochus of Commagene. On
the other hand the new master of Armenia advanced, of course with
consent of the Romans, into the adjacent Parthian province of Adiabene,
defeated Monobazus the governor there, and appeared desirous of
wresting this region also from the Parthian state.
 
[Sidenote: Negotiations with the Parthians.]
 
This turn of affairs compelled the Parthian government to emerge from
its passiveness; the question now concerned no longer the recovery of
Armenia, but the integrity of the Parthian empire. The long-threatened
collision between the two great states seemed inevitable. Vologasus in
an assembly of the grandees of the empire confirmed Tiridates afresh
as king of Armenia, and sent with him the general Monaeses against
the Roman usurper of the land, who was besieged by the Parthians
in Tigranocerta, which the Roman troops kept in their possession.
Vologasus in person collected the Parthian main force in Mesopotamia,
and threatened (at the beginning of 61) Syria. Corbulo, who, after
Quadratus’s death, held the command for a time in Cappadocia as in
Syria, but had besought from the government the nomination of another
governor for Cappadocia and Armenia, sent provisionally two legions
to Armenia to lend help to Tigranes, while he in person moved to the
Euphrates in order to receive the Parthian king. Again, however, they
came not to blows, but to an agreement. Vologasus, well knowing how
dangerous was the game which he was beginning, declared himself now
ready to enter into the terms vainly offered by the Romans before the
outbreak of the Armenian war, and to allow the investiture of his
brother by the Roman emperor. Corbulo entered into the proposal. He let
Tigranes drop, withdrew the Roman troops from Armenia, and acquiesced
in Tiridates establishing himself there, while the Parthian auxiliary
troops likewise withdrew; on the other hand, Vologasus sent an embassy
to the Roman government, and declared the readiness of his brother to
take the land in fee from Rome.
 
[Sidenote: The Parthian war under Nero.]
 
These measures of Corbulo were of a hazardous kind,[34] and led to a
bad complication. The Roman general may possibly have been, still more
thoroughly than the statesmen in Rome, impressed by the uselessness
of retaining Armenia; but, after the Roman government had installed
Tigranes as king of Armenia, he could not of his own accord fall back
upon the conditions earlier laid down, least of all abandon his own
acquisitions and withdraw the Roman troops from Armenia. He was the
less entitled to do so, as he administered Cappadocia and Armenia
merely _ad interim_, and had himself declared to the government that
he was not in a position to exercise the command at once there and in
Syria; whereupon the consular Lucius Caesennius Paetus was nominated
as governor of Cappadocia and was already on the way thither. The
suspicion can hardly be avoided that Corbulo grudged the latter the
honour of the final subjugation of Armenia, and wished before his
arrival to establish a definitive solution by the actual conclusion of
peace with the Parthians. The Roman government accordingly declined
the proposals of Vologasus and insisted on the retention of Armenia,
which, as the new governor who arrived in Cappadocia in the course of
the summer of 61 declared, was even to be taken under direct Roman
administration. Whether the Roman government had really resolved to go
so far cannot be ascertained; but this was at all events implied in
the consistent following out of their policy. The installing of a king
dependent on Rome was only a prolongation of the previous untenable
state of things; whoever did not wish the cession of Armenia to the
Parthians had to contemplate the conversion of the kingdom into a Roman
province. The war therefore took its course; and on that account one of
the Moesian legions was sent to the Cappadocian army.
 
[Sidenote: Measures of Paetus.]
 
When Paetus arrived, the two legions assigned to him by Corbulo were
encamped on this side of the Euphrates in Cappadocia; Armenia was
evacuated, and had to be reconquered. Paetus set at once to work,
crossed the Euphrates at Melitene (Malatia), advanced into Armenia,
and reduced the nearest strongholds on the border. The advanced season
of the year, however, compelled him soon to suspend operations and
to abandon for this year the intended reoccupation of Tigranocerta;
nevertheless, in order to resume his march at once next spring, he,
after Corbulo’s example, took up his winter-quarters in the enemy’s
country at Rhandeia, on a tributary of the Euphrates, the Arsanias,
not far from the modern Charput, while the baggage and the women
and children had quarters not far from it in the strong fortress of
Arsamosata. But he had underrated the difficulty of the undertaking.
One, and that the best of his legions, the Moesian, was still on
the march, and spent the winter on this side of the Euphrates in
the territory of Pontus; the two others were not those whom Corbulo
had taught to fight and conquer, but the former Syrian legions of
Quadratus, not having their full complement, and hardly capable of
use without thorough reorganisation. He had withal to confront not,
like Corbulo, the Armenians alone, but the main body of the Parthians;
Vologasus had, when the war became in earnest, led the flower of his
troops from Mesopotamia to Armenia, and judiciously availed himself
of the strategical advantage that he commanded the inner and shorter
lines. Corbulo might, especially as he had bridged over the Euphrates
and constructed _têtes de pont_ on the other bank, have at least
hampered, or at any rate requited this marching off by a seasonable
incursion into Mesopotamia; but he did not stir from his positions and
he left it to Paetus to defend himself, as best he could, against the
whole force of his foes. The latter was neither himself military nor
ready to accept and follow military advice, not even a man of resolute
character; arrogant and boastful in onset, despairing and pusillanimous
in presence of misfortune.
 
[Sidenote: Capitulation of Rhandeia.]
 
Thus there came what could not but come. In the spring of 62 it was
not Paetus who assumed the aggressive, but Vologasus; the advanced
troops who were to bar the way of the Parthians were crushed by the
superior force; the attack was soon converted into a siege of the Roman
positions pitched far apart in the winter camp and the fortress. The
legions could neither advance nor retreat; the soldiers deserted in
masses; the only hope rested on Corbulo’s legions lying inactive far
off in northern Syria, beyond doubt at Zeugma. Both generals shared
in the blame of the disaster: Corbulo on account of the lateness of
his starting to render help,[35] although, when he did recognise
the whole extent of the danger, he hastened his march as much as
possible; Paetus, because he could not take the bold resolution to
perish rather than to surrender, and thereby lost the chance of rescue
that was near--in three days longer the 5000 men whom Corbulo was
leading up would have brought the longed-for help. The conditions
of the capitulation were free retreat for the Romans and evacuation
of Armenia, with the delivering up of all fortresses occupied by
them, and of all the stores that were in their hands, of which the
Parthians were urgently in need. On the other hand Vologasus declared
himself ready, in spite of this military success, to ask Armenia as a
Roman fief for his brother from the imperial government, and on that
account to send envoys to Nero.[36] The moderation of the victor may
have rested on the fact that he had better information of Corbulo’s
approach than the enclosed army; but more probably the sagacious man
was not concerned to renew the disaster of Crassus and bring Roman
eagles again to Ctesiphon. The defeat of a Roman army--he knew--was not
the overpowering of Rome; and the real concession, which was involved
in the recognition of Tiridates, was not too dearly purchased by the compliance as to form.

댓글 없음: