2017년 1월 5일 목요일

Iberia Won 40

Iberia Won 40


 “Our rights and liberties to guard,
“We make thee King and Lord,
“To be allowed our Fuéros proud;
“If not--then No’s the word!”
 
 
9.
 
And still when San Sebastian ran
To take the King to task,
Or treat with him for life or limb,
He doffed him to the Basque!
 
 
 
 
HISTORICAL AND ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES TO CANTO VII.
 
 
For the incidents connected with Napoléon’s invasion of Portugal
and Spain, and for the state of both monarchies at that period,
the reader is referred to Napier’s and Southey’s Histories of the
Peninsular War, and (with the necessary caution in the perusal) to
Thiers’s _Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire_. I have endeavoured
to adhere as closely to historical truth as the nature of poetical
composition would permit. My residence in both Peninsular
countries, since they were visited either by Southey or Napier, has
enabled me to add some additional particulars, derived from sources
exhibited of late years, which tend to throw fresh light upon these
transactions.
 
The Emperor commenced with the invasion of Portugal, for various
reasons, of which the chief was probably that, as there was no
family alliance between France and Portugal, as between France
and Spain, an injustice done to the former country would be less
shocking and startling to the common feelings of mankind. That
Napoléon himself regarded an invasion of Spain in that light is
evident from a remarkable __EXPRESSION__ which he used in conversation
with his aide-de-camp, Savary:--“I am always afraid of a change
of which I do not see the scope: the best plan of all would be to
avoid a war with Spain, it would be a kind of _Sacrilege_ (he used
the __EXPRESSION__); but I shall not shrink from making it.”--Thiers,
_Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire_.
 
When Junot entered Lisbon, the old Queen of Portugal was mad, and
the Prince Regent possessed no vigour of character to supply the
sovereign’s intellectual deficiencies. These were supposed to be
in great measure chargeable upon the superstitious terrors with
which her head had been filled by Dom José Maria de Mello, Bishop
of Algarve and Grand Inquisitor of the Kingdom. Influenced partly
by fear of Junot, and partly by the popular discontent with the
fugitive government, (for the entire Royal family and Court of
Portugal fled to Brazil the moment it was ascertained that Junot
was on his march close to Lisbon, and left the poor miserable
country to shift for itself,) the principal ecclesiastics of the
kingdom, with a subserviency too characteristic of that order
in every country, worshipped the rising sun, and lavished their
despicable incense upon Junot and Napoléon. Cardinal Mendoza,
the Patriarch of Lisbon, issued a pastoral sounding the praises
of “the man whom past ages had been unable to divine, the man of
prodigies, the Great Emperor whom God had called to establish the
happiness of nations!” At the voice of this reverend Prince of
the Church, the bishops and clergy, and in imitation of them the
civil magistrates, recommended it to the faithful and to the people
generally, as a binding civil and religious obligation, to receive
the French cordially and pay obedience to their General. This
language was especially noticeable in the mouth of the Inquisitor
General, since he had always been heard to profess principles of
the most diametrically opposite character. Against the “impious
revolutionists” of France he had been the first to fulminate his
censures. He had sought to re-establish _autos-da-fé_, in all
their original bloody ferocity, under the reign of his august but
crazy penitent. And at the commencement of the revolution he had
seriously proposed the excommunication of the French nation _en
masse_ by the dignified clergy of Portugal.
 
The concentration of Junot’s troops around Lisbon made the
reception of the French _régime_ a matter of little difficulty.
But it is not a little curious that the voice of old prophecy was
made to contribute to the same result. The Nostradamus of Portugal,
Bandarra, had predicted these changes as conformable to the will of
God, and the triumph of the imperial eagle of Napoléon might be
read in his prophetic quatrains. Curiously illustrative are these
details of the character of a people of whom it has (with some
exaggeration) been said that one half are waiting for the coming
of Dom Sebastian, and the other half for that of the Messiah. The
prophecy of Bandarra struck the nation with astonishment, and for
a time they regarded it as literally fulfilled. The closeness of
realization was certainly astounding. Gonzalo Annes Bandarra was a
poor cobbler of Trancoso in the district of Guarda, who composed
about the year 1540 some prophecies which have ever since obtained
great reputation in the country, amongst all classes. His _trovas_
or _redondilhas_ (rhymed quatrains) have been printed several
times, and in 1809 an edition was published at Barcelona. When the
French entered Lisbon in 1807, the event was found by the believers
in prophecy to be not only clearly predicted in Bandarra, but the
Imperial power to be precisely indicated, and the first letter of
the name of Napoléon, in the 17th and 18th quatrains of the third
prophetic dream, which are as follows:--
 
“Ergue-se a Aguia imperial
Com os seus filhos ao rabo,
E com as unhas no cabo
Faz o ninho em Portugal.
Poe um A pernas acima,
Tira--lhe a risca do meio,
E por detraz lha arrima,
Saberas quern te nomeio.”
 
“The Imperial Eagle rises, with his children at his tail, and with
his claws before him makes his nest in Portugal. Put an A with
its legs upside down; take away its middle bar, and put this bar
behind it. You will know him I name.” The coarseness of the wording
belongs to the era and to the popular literature of Portugal
generally. The N and the imperial eagle are made out perfectly. The
coincidence does not quite convince, but in the words of the hero
of the Gridiron story, “it is mighty remarkable!”
 
Junot proceeded to depose the Royal House of Portugal with the
coolest unconcern, and from the old Palace of the Inquisition,
where he established his Intendance Générale, and upon whose
ruins the new National Theatre has just been raised, he issued a
proclamation declaring that “the dynasty of Braganza had ceased
in Portugal!” Meanwhile Solano, a creature of Godoy’s, who had
accompanied Junot to Lisbon, was active on behalf of his infamous
master, whose obscure birth-place I lately saw at Badajoz, and
substituted in several public acts the name of the King of Spain
for that of the Prince Regent of Portugal. He created a Chief
Judge and a Superintendent of Finances, and both employments
were conferred upon Castilian subjects. Solano was the intimate
confident of the Prince of the Peace, and it is believed that it
was not without superior orders that he proceeded in these hasty
innovations. The future Sovereign of the Algarves, as designated
in the secret treaty with Napoléon, was so impatient to reign on
his own account that, if the reports which prevailed at the period
are to be believed, dollars were struck at the Madrid mint, bearing
upon one side the head of Godoy with the legend _Emmanuel primus
Algarviorum dux_, and on the other the ancient arms of the kingdom
of Algarve.
 
Shortly after his arrival Junot proceeded, as he phrased it,
“inaugurer avec éclat à Lisbonne le drapeau tricolore français.”
The Portuguese had previously received them as friends: this
outrage opened their eyes. It was on a Sunday; 6,000 men of all
arms were assembled in the great square of the Rocio, to be
reviewed by the General. Mid-day sounded. A salvo of artillery
resounded from the Castle of St. George, originally built by the
Moors. Every eye was turned towards these ancient walls, which
topple over the city somewhat like the Calton Hill at Edinburgh.
In an instant was seen to fall the standard of Portugal which
floated before on the loftiest tower of the Castle, while its
place was taken in another instant by a foreign flag surmounted
by the imperial eagle! To describe the outraged feelings of the
Portuguese, to paint their indignation and horror, is impossible.
Their loyalty and their national pride are almost the only virtues
which they retain. Their southern hatred was excited to terrific
intensity. Conceive what would be the feelings of veteran warriors,
who have dragged out the remnant of an existence spared by the
missiles and casualties of war, to see the flag beneath which
their blood has flowed insulted by its enemies. Some idea may
then be formed of the grief and rage which took possession of the
people of Lisbon. A torrent of bitterness deluged their souls. The
sacred standard which was thus supplanted was consecrated alike
by religious feelings and by secular remembrances of glory. It
had been given, according to popular belief, by Christ himself to
Afonso Henriques, the founder of the Monarchy, impressed by the
Redeemer with the marks of his Passion, for the five shields of the
conquered Moorish kings displayed on the Quinas were likewise said
to be typical of the Sacred Wounds, and with this other _labarum_
their new Constantine had been told to “go forth and conquer.”
“_Death to the French!_” was soon the cry, but the cannon and
paraded soldiery of Junot suppressed the insurrectionary movement.
 
The earthquake, stated in the text to have occurred at the period
of the French entry into Lisbon, is strictly historical. “Le
lendemain de l’entrée des Français on éprouva dans Lisbonne une
légère secousse de tremblement de terre, qui fit monter la mer
sur les quais.” (Foy, _Hist. Guerre. Pénins._ liv. ii.) Junot
wrote thus impiously concerning this event to the Minister of War,
Clarke. “Les dieux sont pour nous; j’en tiens l’augure de ce, que
le tremblement de terre ne nous a annoncé que leur puissance sans
nous faire de mal!”
 
Napoléon’s treatment of Spain was not characterized by the same
daring recklessness, but by what must be regarded as unprincipled
profligacy. One of his own generals, Baron Foy, calls the Spanish
invasion “une traîtreuse usurpation.”--_Hist. Guerre. Pénins._ liv.
ii.
 
A Spanish army entered Portugal under Junot in 1807, with absurd
and astounding ignorance mistaking the English for enemies,
and the French for friends, to both Peninsular countries. The
Marquis del Socorro, who commanded this army, was the tool of the
infamous Godoy and the French, and it is thus he spoke of us in the
proclamation which he issued at Oporto. He declared his object to
be “de vous délivrer de la perfide domination et de la politique
ambitieuse des Anglais. * * Tous ensemble, nous vengerons les
outrages que la férocité traîtresse des Anglais a faits à toutes
les nations de l’Europe!”--Foy, _Histoire Guerre. Pénins._ liv. ii.
_pièces justificatives_.
 
The unsuspected testimony of Foy leaves the fearful iniquity of
Napoléon’s seizure of the principal fortresses of Spain beyond
dispute. “Il y eut,” says he, “dans les moyens par lesquels on
s’en rendit maître, un mélange de l’astuce des faibles et de
l’arrogance des forts. On n’employa que la ruse pour Pampelune
et Saint-Sébastien.” (liv. iii.) The following is his detailed
account of the seizure of these several fortresses:--The castle
of Montjuic at Barcelona was too difficult of approach for the
troops to reach it without being perceived. Duhesme went to the
Count d’Ezpeleta, Captain-General of the province: “My soldiers
occupy your citadel,” said he. “Open to me this instant the gates
of Montjuic; for the Emperor Napoléon has ordered me to place a
garrison in your fortresses. If you hesitate, I declare war against
Spain, and you will be responsible for the torrents of blood which
your resistance will have caused to flow.” The name of Napoléon
produced its accustomed effect. The Spanish General was aged and
timid, and the only instruction which his government had given him
was to avoid taking any step which might embroil them with France.
He resigned the keys of Montjuic, and General Duhesme became master
of Catalonia. Thus fell without striking a blow, into the power
of France, the largest city of the Spanish monarchy--a city which
a century before had struggled single-handed, after all Spain had
submitted, against the power of Louis XIV.

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