2015년 7월 20일 월요일

The Provinces of the Roman Empire 51

The Provinces of the Roman Empire 51


This holds true even in some measure for the chronology. The
official historiography of the Sassanids reduces the space between the
last Darius and the first Sassanid from 558 to 266 years (Nöldeke,
_Tabari_, p. 1).
 
[3] The viceroys of Persis are called in their title constantly “Zag
Alohin” (at least the Aramaean signs correspond to these words, which
were presumably in pronunciation expressed in the Persian way), son
of God (Mordtmann, _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, iv. 155 f.), and
to this corresponds the title θεοπτωρ on the Greek coins of the
great-kings. The designation “God” is also found, as with the Seleucids
and the Sassanids.--Why a double diadem is attributed to the Arsacids
(Herodian, vi. 2, 1) is not cleared up.
 
[4] Τν Παρθυαων συνδριν φησιν (Ποσειδνιος) εναι, says Strabo, xi.
9, 3, p. 515, διττν, τμν συγγενν, τδσοφν καμγων, ἐξ ν
μφον τος βασιλες καθστασθαι (καθστησιν in MSS.); Justinus, xvii.
3, 1, _Mithridates rex Parthorum ... propter crudelitatem a senatu
Parthico regno pellitur_.
 
[5] In Egypt, whose court ceremonial, as doubtless that of all the
states of the Diadochi, is based on that ordained by Alexander, and in
so far upon that of the Persian empire, the like title seems to have
been conferred also personally (Franz, _C. I. Gr._ iii. 270). That the
same occurred with the Arsacids, is possible. Among the Greek-speaking
subjects of the Arsacid state the appellation μεγιστνες seems in the
original stricter use to denote the members of the seven houses; it
is worthy of notice that _megistanes_ and _satrapae_ are associated
(Seneca, _Ep._ 21; Josephus, _Arch._ xi. 3, 2; xx. 2, 3). The
circumstance that in court mourning the Persian king does not invite
the _megistanes_ to table (Suetonius, _Gai._ 5) suggests the conjecture
that they had the privilege of taking meals with him. The title τν
πρτων φλων is also found among the Arsacids just as at the Egyptian
and Pontic courts (_Bull. de corr. Hell._ vii. p. 349).
 
[6] A royal cup-bearer, who is at the same time general, is mentioned
in Josephus, _Arch._ xiv. 13, 7 = _Bell. Jud._ i. 13, 1. Similar court
offices are of frequent occurrence in the states of the Diadochi.
 
[7] Tacitus, _Ann._ xv. 2, 31. If, according to the preface of
Agathangelos (p. 109, Langlois), at the time of the Arsacids the oldest
and ablest prince bore rule over the country, and the three standing
next to him were kings of the Armenians, of the Indians, and of the
Massagetae, there is here perhaps at bottom the same arrangement. That
the Partho-Indian empire, if it was combined with the main land, was
likewise regarded as an appanage for the second son, is very probable.
 
[8] These are doubtless meant by Justinus (xli. 2, 2), _proximus
maiestati regum praepositorum ordo est; ex hoc duces in bello, ex hoc
in pace rectores habent_. The native name is preserved by the gloss in
Hesychius, βσταξ βασιλες παρΠρσαις. If in Ammianus, xxiii. 6,
14, the presidents of the Persian _regiones_ are called _vitaxae_ (read
_vistaxae_), _id est magistri equitum et reges et satrapae_, he has
awkwardly referred what is Persian to all Inner Asia (comp. _Hermes_,
xvi. 613); we may add that the designation “leaders of horsemen”
for these viceroys may relate to the fact that they, like the Roman
governors, united in themselves the highest civil and the supreme
military power, and the army of the Parthians consisted preponderantly
of cavalry.
 
[9] This we learn from the title σατρπης τν σατραπν, attributed to
one Gotarzes in the inscription of Kermanschahân in Kurdistan (_C.
I. Gr._ 4674). It cannot be assigned to the Arsacid king of the same
name as such; but perhaps there may be designated by it, as Olshausen
(_Monatsbericht der Berliner Akademie_, 1878, p. 179) conjectures,
that position which belonged to him after his renouncing of the
great-kingdom (Tacitus, _Ann._ xi. 9).
 
[10] Still later a troop of horse in the Parthian army is called that
“of the free:” Josephus, _Arch._ xiv. 13, 5 = _Bell. Jud._ i. 13, 3.
 
[11] The oldest known coin with Pahlavi writing was struck in
Claudius’s time under Vologasus I.; it is bilingual, and gives to the
king in Greek his full title, but only the name Arsaces, in Iranian
merely the native individual name shortened (_Vol._).
 
[12] Usually this is restricted to the large silver money, and the
small silver and most of the copper are regarded as of royal coinage.
But by this view a singular secondary part in coinage is assigned to
the great-king. More correctly perhaps the former coinage is conceived
of as predominantly destined for dealings abroad, the latter as
predominantly for internal intercourse; the diversities subsisting
between the two kinds are also explained in this way.
 
[13] The first ruler that bears it is Phraapates about 188 B.C. (Percy
Gardner, _Parthian Coinage_, p. 27).
 
[14] Thus there stands on the coins of Gotarzes (under Claudius)
Γωτρζης βασιλες βασιλων ὑὸς κεκαλουμνος ρταβνου. On the later
ones the Greek legend is often quite unintelligible.
 
[15] While the kingdom of Darius, according to his inscriptions,
includes in it the Gādara (the Gandhâra of the Indians, Γανδαρτις
of the Greeks on the Cabul river) and the Hîdu (the dwellers by the
Indus), the former are in one of the inscriptions of Asoka adduced
among his subjects, and a copy of his great edict has been found in
Kapurdi Giri, or rather in Shahbaz Garhi (Yusufzai-district), nearly
27 miles north-west of the point where the Cabul river falls into
the Indus at Attock. The seat of the government of these north-west
provinces of Asoka’s kingdom was (according to the inscription _C.
I. Indicar._ i. p. 91) Takkhasilâ, Τξιλα of the Greeks, some 40
miles E.S.E. of Attock, the seat of government for the south-western
provinces was Ujjênî (Ὀζνη). The eastern part of the Cabul valley thus
belonged at any rate to Asoka’s empire. It is not quite impossible
that the Khyber pass formed the boundary; but probably the whole Cabul
valley belonged to India, and the boundary to the south of Cabul was
formed by the sharp line of the Suleiman range, and farther to the
south-west by the Bolan pass. Of the later Indo-Scythian king Huvishka
(Ooerke of the coins), who seems to have resided on the Yamunâ in
Mathurâ, an inscription has been found at Wardak not far northward from
Cabul (according to information from Oldenberg).
 
[16] The Egyptian merchant named in note 3 makes mention, c. 47, of
“the warlike people of the Bactrians, who have their own king.” At
that time, therefore, Bactria was separated from the Indus-empire that
was under Parthian princes. Strabo, too (xi. 11, 1, p. 516) treats the
Bactro-Indian empire as belonging to the past.
 
[17] Probably he is the Kaspar--in older tradition Gathaspar--who
appears among the holy three kings from the East (Gutschmid, _Rhein.
Mus._ xix. 162).
 
[18] The most definite testimony to the Parthian rule in these regions
is found in the description of the coasts of the Red Sea drawn up by
an Egyptian merchant under Vespasian, c. 38: “Behind the mouth of the
Indus in the interior lies the capital of Scythia Minnagara; but this
is ruled by the Parthians, who constantly chase away one another”
(ὑπΠρθων συνεχς λλλους νδιωκντων). The same is repeated in a
somewhat confused way, c. 41; it might here appear as if Minnagara lay
in India itself above Barygaza, and Ptolemy has already been led astray
by this; but certainly the writer, who speaks as to the interior only
from hearsay, has only wished to say that a large town Minnagara lay
inland not far from Barygaza, and much cotton was brought thence to
Barygaza. The numerous traces also of Alexander, which occur according
to the same authority in Minnagara, can be found only on the Indus,
not in Gujerat. The position of Minnagara on the lower Indus not far
from Hyderabad, and the existence of a Parthian rule there under
Vespasian, appear hereby assured.--With this we may be allowed to
combine the coins of king Gondopharus or Hyndopherres, who in a very
old Christian legend is converted to Christianity by St. Thomas, the
apostle of the Parthians and Indians, and in fact appears to belong
to the first period of the Roman empire (Sallet, _Num. Zeitschr._ vi.
355; Gutschmid, _Rhein. Mus._ xix. 162); of his brother’s son Abdagases
(Sallet, _ib._ p. 365), who may be identical with the Parthian prince
of this name in Tacitus, _Ann._ vi. 36, at any rate bears a Parthian
name; and lastly of king Sanabarus, who must have reigned shortly after
Hyndopherres, perhaps was his successor. Here belongs also a number
of other coins marked with Parthian names, Arsaces, Pacorus, Vonones.
This coinage attaches itself decidedly to that of the Arsacids (Sallet,
_ib._ p. 277); the silver pieces of Gondopharus and of Sanabarus--of
the others the coins are almost solely copper--correspond exactly to
the Arsacid drachmae. To all appearance these belong to the Parthian
princes of Minnagara; the appearance here of Indian legend alongside of
the Greek, as of Pahlavi writing among the late Arsacids, suits this
view. These, however, are not coins of satraps, but, as the Egyptian
indicates, of great-kings rivalling those of Ctesiphon; Hyndopherres
names himself in very corrupt Greek βασιλες βασιλων μγας υτκρατωρ,
and in good Indian “Maharajah Rajadi Rajah.” If, as is not improbable,
under the Mambaros or Akabaros, whom the Periplus, c. 41, 52,
designates as ruler of the coast of Barygaza, there lurks the Sanabarus
of the coins, the latter belongs to the time of Nero or Vespasian, and
ruled not merely at the mouths of the Indus, but also over Gujerat.
Moreover, if an inscription found not far from Peshawur is rightly
referred to king Gondopharus, his rule must have extended up thither,
probably as far as Cabul.--The fact that Corbulo in the year 60 sent
the embassy of the Hyrcanians who had revolted from the Parthians--in
order that they might not be intercepted by the latter--to the coast of
the Red Sea, whence they might reach their home without setting foot
on Parthian territory (Tacitus, _Ann._ xv. 25), tells in favour of the
view that the Indus valley at that time was not subject to the ruler of
Ctesiphon.
 
[19] That the great kingdom of the Arsacids of Minnagara did not
subsist much beyond the time of Nero, is probable from the coins.
It is questionable what rulers followed them. The Bactro-Indian
rulers of Greek names belong predominantly, perhaps all of them, to
the pre-Augustan epoch; and various indigenous names, _e.g._ Maues
and Azes, fall in point of language and writing (_e.g._ the form of
the ω Ω) before this time. On the other hand the coins of the kings
Kozulokadphises and Oemokadphises, and those of the Sacian kings,
Kanerku and his successors, while all are clearly characterised as
belonging to one coinage by the gold stater of the weight of the Roman
aureus, which does not previously occur in the Indian coinage, are
to all appearance later than Gondopharus and Sanabarus. They show
how the state of the Indus valley assumed a national Indian type in
ever increasing measure in contrast to the Hellenes as well as to the
Iranians. The reign of these Kadphises will thus fall between the
Indo-Parthian rulers and the dynasty of the Sacae, which latter begins
with A.D. 78 (Oldenberg, in Sallet’s _Zeitschr. für Num._ viii. 292).
Coins of these Sacian kings, found in the treasure of Peshawur, name
in a remarkable way Greek gods in a mutilated form, Ηρακιλο, Σαραπο,
alongside of the national Βουδο. The latest of their coins show the
influence of the oldest Sassanid coinage, and might belong to the
second half of the third century (Sallet, _Zeitschr. für Num._ vi. 224).
 
[20] The Indo-Greek and the Indo-Parthian rulers, just as the
Kadphises, make use on their coins to a large extent of the indigenous
Indian language and writing alongside of the Greek: the Sacian kings
on the other hand never used the Indian language and Indian alphabet,
but employ exclusively the Greek letters, and the non-Greek legends of
their coins are beyond doubt Scythian. Thus on Kanerku’s gold pieces
there sometimes stands βασιλες βασιλων Κανρκου, sometimes ραο
νανοραο κανηρκι κορανο, where the first two words must be a Scythian
form of the Indian Rajâdi Rajah, and the two following contain the
personal and the family name (Gushana) of the king (Oldenberg, _l. c._
p. 294). Thus these Sacae were foreign rulers in India in another sense
than the Bactrian Hellenes and the Parthians. Yet the inscriptions set
up under them in India are not Scythian but Indian.
 
[21] Arrian, who, as governor of Cappadocia, had himself wielded
command over the Armenians (_contra Al._ 29), always in the _Tactica_
names the Armenians and Parthians together (4, 3, 44, 1, as respects
the heavy cavalry, the mailed κοντοφροι and the light cavalry, the
κροβολισταί or ἱπποτοξται; 34, 7 as respects the wide hose); and,
where he speaks of Hadrian’s introduction of barbaric cavalry into the
Roman army, he traces the mounted archers back to the model of “the
Parthians or Armenians” (44, 1).
 
[22] Caesar’s illegitimate son Πτολεμαος καΚασαρ θες φιλοπτωρ
φιλομτωρ, as his royal designation runs (_C. I. Gr. 4717_), entered
on the joint rule of Egypt in the Egyptian year 29 Aug. 711/2, as the
era shows (Wescher, _Bullet. dell’ Inst._ 1866, p. 199; Krall, _Wiener
Studien_, v. 313). As he came in place of Ptolemaeus the younger, the
husband and brother of his mother, the setting aside of the latter by
Cleopatra, of which the particulars are not known, must have taken
place just then, and have furnished the occasion to proclaim him as
king of Egypt. Dio also, xlvii. 31, places his nomination in the summer
of 712 {42 B.C.} before the battle of Philippi. It was thus not the
work of Antonius, but sanctioned by the two rulers in concert at a time
when it could not but be their object to meet the wishes of the queen
of Egypt, who certainly had from the outset ranged herself on their side.

댓글 없음: