Ocmulgee National Monument 8
Various explanations have been advanced to account for the actual origin
of the Southern Cult, where it first appears, and from what source or
sources its several elements were drawn to enrich the ceremonial life of
the temple mound builders. Suggestions of Middle American origins have
thus far failed to receive any but the vaguest support from the existing
evidence. Agreement appears to be general, on the other hand, that many
of the basic elements from which it could have been formed are contained
in Hopewell. The emphasis on large marine shells and on copper is shared
by both; and acquisition from Hopewell of the method for supplying these
scarce or remotely situated materials might well have encouraged an
interest in expanding and beautifying the ceremonial apparatus. The
artistic skills of the older culture, too, might possibly have passed
into the hands of a new school of artists who sought to express with
them the religious ideas or mythology of their own people. The
techniques of the two art styles are basically similar, and the Southern
Cult closely approaches both the technical proficiency and the facility
of __EXPRESSION__ which are so characteristic of Hopewell. The connection
appears to stop there, however; for aside from one or two isolated
designs occurring on Florida Hopewellian pottery, nothing has been found
from which the Southern Cult designs could reasonably be thought to have
developed.
The earliest __EXPRESSION__s of the Southern Cult to appear in the Macon
area occur in the Master Farmer period. The eagle effigy platform of the
ceremonial earthlodge seems to portray the spotted eagle of the Southern
Cult and, in any case, a distinct representation of the forked eye,
probably the earliest use of this symbol on record. A ceremonial ax from
the vicinity of the Funeral Mound is also typical, while the more
Hopewellian traits such as undecorated shell cups and gorgets and cut
animal jaws (unique, however, in their copper-plating) may be thought to
argue for origins from this direction. It was during the interval while
Ocmulgee was abandoned that this religious idea must have reached its
fullest and most elaborate __EXPRESSION__; and this period probably
corresponds to that of the occupation of the Etowah site in north
Georgia, where much of the spectacular material was found. By the time
the Lamar village was occupied, however, the vigor of this form of
religious __EXPRESSION__ seems to have been already on the wane. Engraved
shell gorgets occur, but only in the simpler designs; perhaps the hafted
ax form of pipe could be considered a Southern Cult object or at least
to show its influence. Possibly more complete excavation would reveal
additional and more distinctive paraphernalia.
Ocmulgee Old Fields
After the Spanish exploration of Georgia in 1540, about 150 years
elapsed before the Ocmulgee tribe of the Creek Nation settled at a place
which we can now identify with reasonable certainty. This site in later
years was known as Ocmulgee Old Fields, for the evidence of ancient
cultivation can often be detected long after the signs of dwellings
themselves have disappeared. Needless to say, this was the last Indian
village of any importance to occupy the area now included in Ocmulgee
National Monument.
The recognition of this village site was partly brought about by the
intensive study of an interesting feature of Colonial construction
disclosed early in the excavations. This consisted of a ditch about 1
foot wide by 2 in depth which outlined a curiously shaped area on the
Macon Plateau some 200 yards north of the Great Temple Mound. Presumably
the footing ditch for a palisade, it enclosed a space shaped like the
gable end of a house with very low walls and a steep roof. The base
side, facing northwest, was about 140 feet long and was interrupted at
two points, suggesting a large central entrance gate with a smaller
postern 18 feet to the left. Surrounding the enclosure on all but its
long base side was a broad, shallow ditch which may have served as a
moat. It might, though, have been used instead to improve the drainage
of the stockade; for excavation showed that this lay close to old
springs which had once issued from the adjacent high ground. Finally,
the remains of a wide beaten trail from the northeast, worn a foot or
two into the old land surface, were found to terminate before the
entrance. This path had been traced at intervals across the plateau for
about half a mile, and was picked up again beyond the enclosed area
leading off down the hill toward the river.
Inside the stockade, rectangular blackened areas in the soil indicated
what appeared to be the decayed remains of several log buildings, while
mixed with the usual debris of an Indian village site were numerous
articles of European manufacture. Both here and at other points, chiefly
concentrated on the southwest corner of the Macon Plateau, excavation
revealed iron axes, clay pipes, trade beads, brass and copper bells,
knives, swords, bullets, flints, pistols, and muskets. All indications
pointed to a large and thriving Indian community situated generally at
the western edge of the old Master Farmer village site, and plentifully
supplied with English trade materials. The fact that a small fortified
structure existed in the midst of this community at once suggests the
very trading post from which these goods were obtained.
Returning, now, to the Early Creeks, we left them sharing in the
development of a distinctive material culture which characterized, with
minor differences, a large portion of the Southeast. When we encounter
their descendants on the site of Ocmulgee Old Fields, however, we find a
mixture of old elements and new; and it is often difficult to say what
part of the changes we observe was due to European contacts and what a
normal continuation of the development which had gone before.
[Illustration: Excavation of Trading Post stockade. Darkened soil,
indicating position of log wall footing, emphasized to show gates (right
half of long wall, top of picture).]
The remains of this period were found thickly scattered about the
Funeral Mound, between the latter and the Great Temple Mound, and about
the area of the Trading Post itself, as we shall term the fortified
enclosure, anticipating further discussion. They consisted of burials,
pits filled with refuse, oval patterns of post molds indicating small
house sites (although these were found only in and around the stockaded
enclosure), and refuse of all sorts scattered about on the general level
of the occupation. The burials were made both within the main village
area and about the Funeral Mound, where the signs of habitation may have
been destroyed by plowing. Usually the dead were buried in a flexed
position shortly after death, and were not subsequently moved. This was
true, also, of the earlier Lamar occupation, but in marked contrast to
the Master Farmer custom of secondary burial, or the reinterment of
bones already once buried or otherwise put away.
[Illustration: Beads, gun cocks, flints, lead shot, knives, pipes, brass
bells, and other trade goods show contact between Creeks and English.]
The pottery of these historic Creeks shows that they had finally given
up the ancient habit of complicated stamping. This seems all the more
curious when we reflect that their neighbors and enemies, the Cherokee,
retained this idea, as previously mentioned, until they finally gave up
pottery entirely. In place of it, the Creeks roughened many of their
pots by brushing or stippling the surface, probably with a handful of
small twigs or pine needles. The carinated bowl form was retained,
however, along with deeper jars and other more common shapes of former
times; and on its shoulder appeared a weak, thin incising, often hardly
more than a series of crude scratches. Still, the interlocking scroll
seems to have continued as one of the basic design ideas; but it was
crudely executed, as were the hatched elements of parallel lines which
were no longer carefully integrated with the remainder of the design.
One gains the feeling that the potter was striving for the same general
effect, but was no longer interested in achieving the precision of
pattern and boldness of line on which that effect originally depended.
The lower parts of these bowls are now smooth, and many vessels are made
without either decoration or roughening.
[Illustration: Creek pottery continued some of the more characteristic
older shapes, but the decoration was only a rough imitation of earlier
designs.]
Other artifacts suggest the increasing reliance on European goods
supplied by the traders, which we know had already begun to destroy the
rude but effective and self-sufficient culture of the Indians. A highly
prized musket cost a man 25 deer skins; but once he had it, with bullets
at 40 to the skin and powder 1 skin to the pound, he could kill more
deer and would have little need to make arrow heads of flint. Another 4
skins would purchase an ax, 4 more a hoe; and again he had better, more
lasting tools without the work of making them and constantly replacing
them. Small wonder that stone tools and weapons become less frequent,
and that flint chipping itself, within a few generations, had become a
lost art.
While the Trading Post site has not yet been studied in detail, one gets
the impression that stone tools are actually less numerous. Projectile
points are mostly of small size, often very narrow triangles less than
an inch in length. European materials like gun flints and bottle glass
are used for scrapers. Glass trade heads are mixed with those made from
the central core of the big marine whelk, commonly called "conch." Sheet
copper is used for decorative cuff-like arm bands; frequently it is
rolled into small cone-shaped janglers which were probably sewn to
clothing in clusters to replace the old deer hoof rattles.
The Indian trade was the most effective weapon of the English in their
contest with Spain and France for control of the southern frontier.
Indirect evidence points to the establishment of a trading post in this
vicinity about 1690 by the Charleston traders. Apparently lured by the
prospect of English goods, a number of the principal Creek villages had
moved about this time from the Chattahoochee, close to the Spanish
settlements in west Florida, to the Altamaha and its western fork, the
Ocmulgee. No direct reference to the position of the Ocmulgee town
during this period has yet been found, though in 1675 and again after
1717 it was reported on the Chattahoochee. Nevertheless, the Ocmulgee
are listed among Creek towns in this vicinity, and the river appears to
be called by this name as early as 1704-5.
Early maps show the site of Macon to be occupied by the Hitchiti, a
tribe of the Creek nation whose speech was older in Georgia than the
Muskogean of the true Creeks. The Ocmulgee also spoke Hitchiti, and a
Creek legend, recorded much later, states that the Hitchiti were the
"first to settle at the site of Okmulgi town, an ancient capital of the
Creek confederacy." Legend also named the Ocmulgee fields as the first
town where the Creeks "sat down ... or established themselves, after
their emigration from the west." This identification, made at a time
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