VI
As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon 1
the hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked
like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army,
these fellows burnt up the grass and everything else that was good for
use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to
the king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the
best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and
afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a conspiracy to destroy him.
he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him with a
thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning
down everything in front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut
them down, or he would capture a host of them alive; in any case, he
would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings; he would see to
it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army
and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to
Cyrus, who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from
each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his
horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing
that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could
bring; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to
welcome him as a friend. The letter further contained certain
reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This despatch he
delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he
thought; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it.
Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the
noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the
Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to
take up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up
about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to
assist at the court-martial; a compliment due to the position he held
among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also
of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the
circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery)
to his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these
words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice
with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is
right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The 6
prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be
my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words,
under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of
Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to
think it more prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we shook
hands, exchanging solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus
turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally--"after that, did I do
you any wrong?" Answer, "Never." Again another question: "Then later
on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt
to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay?"--"I
did," was the reply. "Then, once more having discovered the limits of
your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you
repented? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second
time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges? Are these
things so?" Orontas again assented. "Then what injury have you
received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for the third time, you have
been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"--"I must needs do so,"
he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day may come,
may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a
faithful friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you
could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus."
At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such
has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language
now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your
opinion--what think you?" And Clearchus answered: "My advice to you is
to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be
saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as
he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is
sincere."--"To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court
adhered." After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, 10
in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle;
which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and then those
appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do
obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing
down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.
After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest
of Cyrus's wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or
dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his
death; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to
mark his resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen.
VII
From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages--twelve 1
parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a
review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the
king would arrive the following day with his army to offer battle. He
gave orders to Clearchus to take command of the right wing, and to
Menon the Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook to the
disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, with the
first approach of day, deserters from the great king arrived, bringing
Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the
generals and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of war to
arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity also to address
the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:
"Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth of
barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my
allies; but because I hold you to be better and stronger than many
barbarians. That is why I took you. See then that you prove yourselves
to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and which I envy
you. Liberty--it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose in
preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I
would like you to know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn
its nature from one who knows. Their numbers are great, and they come
on with much noise; but if you can hold out against these two things,
I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will 4
find the inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave
you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish to return home,
any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your
friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade
many of you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you
left at home."
Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being
present, exclaimed: "Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make
large promises now, because you are in the crisis of impending danger;
but let matters go well with you, will you recollect? They shake their
heads. Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever
so willing, you would not be able to make good all your promises, and
repay." When Cyrus heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my
father's empire stretches southwards to a region where men cannot
dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable
through cold; but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies
belonging to my brother's friends: so that if the victory be ours, it
will be ours also to put our friends in possession in their room. On
the whole my fear is, not that I may not have enough to give to each
of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom to
bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a
crown of gold."
So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever
themselves, and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there
came into his presence both the generals and some of the other
Hellenes also, claiming to know what they should have in the event of
victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so
dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came into
conversation with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to
post himself in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a
question to him: "But do you think that your brother will give battle 9
to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered: "Not without a battle, be assured,
shall the prize be won; if he be the son of Darius and Parysatis, and
a brother of mine."
In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as
follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy
infantry with two thousand five hundred targeteers, while the
barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one hundred thousand. He had
too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to
number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred
scythe-chariots, besides which he had six thousand cavalry under
Artagerses. These formed the immediate vanguard of the king himself.
The royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, each
in command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were Abrocomas,
Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than
nine hundred thousand were engaged in the battle, with one hundred and
fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia,
arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the information
brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's army before
the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by those of the
enemy who were taken prisoners.
From this place Cyrus advanced one stage--three parasangs--with the
whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of
battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day, for in the
middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet
broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through
the plain, twelve parasang's distance, to the wall of Media (1). (Here
are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in number,
each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon 15
them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at intervals
of one parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.)
(1) For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p.
87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there
quoted or referred to. The next passage enclosed in () may
possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on the whole, I
have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of
relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future
traveller may clear up all difficulties.
Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet
only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great
king upon hearing of Cyrus's approach, to serve as a line of defence.
Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found
themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought
with the king that day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces
of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his
Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with three thousand darics;
because eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that the
king would not fight within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: "Well,
then, if he does not fight within that time, he will not fight at all;
and if your prophecy comes true, I promise you ten talents." So now,
that the ten days were passed, he presented him with the above sum.
But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at
the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have
abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced
with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting
the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops
drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no
kind of order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be
carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.
VIII
It was already about full market time (1) and the halting-place at 1
which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when
Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came
galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat,
and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he
could ejaculate the words: "The king is advancing with a large army
ready for battle." Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes
and all alike were expecting to be attacked on the instant, and before
they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned
his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins
firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves
and fall into their several ranks.
(1) I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.
The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped
themselves. Clearchus held the right wing resting on the Euphrates,
Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops
held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian
cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the
right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was
Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian
host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred
strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and
helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head
unhelmeted (2). So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces
and breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.
(2) The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded
is, it is said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard
as a commentator's note, if not an original marginal note of some
early editor, possibly of the author himself. The "Cyropaedeia" is
full of such comments, "pieces justificatives" inserted into the
text.
It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the
approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a
considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high
above the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and
there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly
be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses.
That is Tissaphernes in command, they said, and next to these a body
of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry,
with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the
Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were
in national divisions, each nation marching in densely-crowded 10
squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at
considerable intervals from one another--the famous scythe-chariots,
as they were named--having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and
stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the
chariot-seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they
encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks
of the Hellenes and cut them through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war
he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics,
was not justified. Instead of shouting, they came on in deep silence,
softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding
past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or
four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's
centre, for there the king was to be found: "And if we strike home at
this point," he added, "our work is finished." Clearchus, though he
could see the compact body at the centre, and had been told by Cyrus
that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing to numerical
superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, could well
overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right
wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he
simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic
division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as
the various contingents came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance
from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the
other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes; when
Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter
to meet him, asking him whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus,
pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally
known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike,
were good (3). While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur 16
passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied
that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus
wondered who had given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On
being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he replied, "I
accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own
position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four
furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the
same time advanced against the enemy.
(3) I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the
omens from the acts and movements of the victims.
But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved
onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left
behind quickened to a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst
from all lips, like that in honour of the war-god--eleleu! eleleu! and
the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and
spears, thereby causing terror to the horses (4); and before they had
got within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And
now the Hellenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by
shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The
enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some
through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they
saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some
dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the heels, but
even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single
exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been
wounded by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single
hurt.
(4) Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's
note.
Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate
were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of
his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about 21
him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in
the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in cloe
order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The
king, he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the
fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action,
for this twofold reason: he holds the safest place, with his troops on
either side of him, while, if he has occasion to despatch any
necessary rider along the lines, his troops will receive the message
in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion held the
centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus's left
wing; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the
troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was
then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the
rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him.
Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in
front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down,
as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves,
in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a
handful who were left with Cyrus himself--chiefly his table
companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the
king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain
himself, with a cry, "I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a
blow at his chest, wounding him through the corselet. This, according
to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon (5), who further states that he
himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck
him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle which
then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect
one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as to the number slain 27
on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus
himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of
him. The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his
wand-wearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt
from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account
says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother:
others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by his
own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore also a collar
and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians
wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the hands
of Cyrus.
(5) "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos.
Seventeen years of his life were passed at the court of Persia,
fourteen in the service of Darios, three in that of Artaxerxes; he
returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was employed by Artaxerxes
in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life
and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three
parts--Assyrian, Median, Persian--with a chapter "On Tributes;"
(2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of Sir John
Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on Mountains;
(5) a treatise on Rivers.
IX
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest (1) and most worthy to rule of all 1
the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the
concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him
intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst
being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled
excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it
must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals.
Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to
heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed
upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some
receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving
dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from
earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.
(1) The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the
Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia.
In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he
was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an
obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own
inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship
and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the
use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at 5
once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as
his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness
for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure
in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush
at him (2), and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled
from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible
through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget
him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of
many.
(2) The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.
After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and
Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the
forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus,
nothing was more noticeable in his conduct than the importance which
he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or
undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any
one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of
individuals and of the communities entrusted to his care; or in case
of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to
the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms.
Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own
accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of
Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he
refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore
emphatic witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in
number or in fortune, he would never abandon those who had once become
his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes
alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to
him, "God grant I may live along enough to recompense my friends and
requite my foes with a strong arm." However this may be, no one, at
least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of
friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own
lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered
the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the 13
contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight
to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or
foot or eye; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any
one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly
travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt
disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he
reserved especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a
war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an
expedition into those territories, he could observe those who
voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory
which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts. So
that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards
were recognised as their natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus
never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was
expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish
himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this
man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same
principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly
conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army
worthy of the name. Generals, and subalterns alike, came to him from
across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that
loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds
a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such
enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always
command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the
work might be.
Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the
country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing
him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that
toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least
of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions,
seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his 19
endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept
them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he
knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which
he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn
an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the
need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of
them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no
one man, perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more
ready to bestow them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of
each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement.
Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal
adornments of the body or for battle; and as touching these he would
say, "How am I to deck myself out in all these? to my mind a man's
chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends." Indeed,
that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of
welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful
than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and
in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more
admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a
message to say: "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a
long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will
drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends." Or, perhaps, he
would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and
so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: "This is Cyrus's
favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or, perhaps,
there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his
servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get
supplies for himself; at such times he would send to his friends in
different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it
would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving.
Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on 28
would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them
with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honour."
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be
disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved.
In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the
king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master,
if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man,
indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on
whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many
a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one
another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the
king's affection; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues
would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king.
Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity
rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded
by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was
slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his
faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, with the sole
exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of the cavalry on the left,
and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to
flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.
X
Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body. 1
But the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian
camp, and the troops of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled
through their own camp back to the halting-place of the night
before--a distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and
those with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other
spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus,
witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The Milesian, who was
the younger, was also seized by some of the king's men; but, letting
go her outer garment, she made good her escape to the Hellenes, who
had been left among the camp followers on guard. These fell at once 3
into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers, though they lost
some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in saving
not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings,
which lay within their reach.
At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three
miles apart; the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if
their conquest had been general; the others were pillaging as merrily
as if their victory were already universal. But when the Hellenes
learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the
king, on his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were
victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone forward in
pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king massed his troops and
formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and
debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to
save it.
Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the
rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his
attack then and there. But instead of advancing upon them at that
point, he drew off, following the line by which he had passed earlier
in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in
his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during the battle,
as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter had not fled in the
first shock of the encounter; he had charged parallel to the line of
the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But charge as
he might, he did not lay low a single man. On the contrary, the
Hellenes made a gap to let them through, hacking them with their
swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of
Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got
through haphazard, with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round
and return the way he came, but reaching the camp of the Hellenes, 8
there fell in with the king; and falling into order again, the two
divisions advanced side by side.
When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes,
fear seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold
them on both sides and cut them down. In this apprehension they
determined to extend their line and place the river on their rear. But
while they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops in
line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which he had
advanced to offer battle at the commencement of the engagement. The
Hellenes, now seeing them in close proximity and in battle order, once
again raised the paean and began the attack with still greater
enthusiasm than before: and once again the barbarians did not wait to
receive them, but took to flight, even at a greater distance than
before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a certain
village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on
which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no
infantry any longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that
it was impossible to discover what was happening. They did see, they
said, the royal standard, a kind of golden eagle, with wings extended,
perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.
But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry
at once left the hillock--not in a body any longer, but in
fragments--some streaming from one side, some from another; and the
crest was gradually stripped of its occupants, till at last the
company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but
posting his army at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another
to the summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things on the
other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped up and
investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and
main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There
the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling the
while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger
had come from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death,
and conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed
forward to occupy some point. Left to themselves, they now
deliberated, whether they should stay where they were and have the
baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved to
return, and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the
conclusion of this day.
They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and
drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine,
which Cyrus had prepared in case of some extreme need overtaking the
expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were four hundred of
these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the
king and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went
supperless, having already gone without their breakfasts, since the
king had appeared before the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in
no better plight than this they passed the night.
BOOK II
(In the previous book will be found a full account of the
method by which Cyrus collected a body of Greeks when
meditating an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes; as
also of various occurrences on the march up; of the battle
itself, and of the death of Cyrus; and lastly, a description
of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle, and
as to how they betook themselves to rest, none suspecting
but what they were altogether victorious and that Cyrus
lived.)
I
With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus 1
should not have appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to
tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had
together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected
junction with Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with
the rising sun came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a
descendant of Damaratus (1) the Laconian, and with him also came Glus
the son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that Cyrus was dead;
next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the barbarians to
the halting-place whence they had started at dawn on the previous day;
and wished to inform them that, if they were minded to come, he would
wait for this one day, but on the morrow he should return home again
to Ionia, whence he came.
(1) The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to
King Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi.
50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the
ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.
When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so 4
too were the rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then
Clearchus spoke as follows: "Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But
since he is dead, take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any
rate, have conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there
is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not
arrived, we should ere this have begun our march upon the king. Now,
we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he will join us here, we will place
him on the king's throne. Surely to those who conquer empire
pertains." With these words he sent back the messengers and with them
he sent Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That was
what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a friend and intimate of
Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. So these set off,
and Clearchus waited for them.
The soldiers furnished themselves with food (and drink) as best they
might--falling back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and
asses. There was no lack of firewood; they need only step forward a
few paces from the line where the battle was fought, and they would
find arrows to hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the
deserters from the king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker
shields also, and the huge wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were
many targets also, and empty wagons left to be carried off. Here was a
store which they were not slow to make use of to cook their meat and
serve their meals that day.
It was now about full market hour (2) when heralds from the king and
Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This
was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at the court of
Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave himself out to be a
connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting with heavy arms. These
were the men who now came up, and having summoned the generals of the
Hellenes, they delivered themselves of the following message: "The
great king having won the victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes
to surrender their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the
king's palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they can."
That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes listened with heavy 9
hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words were few; "Conquerors do
not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then turning to the others he
added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and
noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you
presently." At the moment an official had summoned him to come and
look at the entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he
was engaged in sacrificing. As soon as he was gone, Cleanor the
Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: "They would sooner die than
give up their arms." Then Proxenus the Theban said: "For my part, I
marvel if the king demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of
friendship merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for
them rather than come and take them? But if he would fain wheedle us
out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us what the soldiers will
receive in turn for such kindness." In answer to him Phalinus said:
"The king claims to have conquered, because he has put Cyrus to death;
and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against himself? He
further flatters himself that you also are in his power, since he
holds you in the heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers;
and he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that
even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them."
After him Theopompus (3) the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at
this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our
arms and our valour. If we keep the former we imagine we can make use
of the latter; but if we deliver up our arms we shall presently be
robbed of our lives. Do not suppose then that we are going to give up
to you the only good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them;
and by their help we will do battle with you for the good things which
are yours." Phalinus laughed when he heard those words, and said: 13
"Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and very pretty
reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat scattered
if you imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's
power." There were one or two others, it was said, who with a touch of
weakness in their tone or argument, made answer: "They had proved good
and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less
valuable. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to
any use that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt.
Their arms were at his service; they would help to lay that country at
his feet."
(2) 10 A.M.
(3) So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to
be the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept
into the text from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus"
(the historian) "gives the remark to Proxenus."
Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had
given. The words were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus
interrupting, answered: "As for your friends here, one says one thing
and one another; will you please give us your opinion"; and he
replied: "The sight of you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure; and not
only me, but all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we
are--every one of us whom you see before you. In our present plight we
would like to take you into our counsel as to what we had better do
touching your proposals. I beg you then solemnly, in the sight of
heaven--do you tender us such advice as you shall deem best and
worthiest, and such as shall bring you honour of after time, when it
will be said of you how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the great
king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had
taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You
know that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in
Hellas."
Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who
was the ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them
not to give up their arms, in which case the Hellenes would be still
more sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus
turned round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one hope in
ten thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up
your arms. That is my advice. If, however, you have no chance of
escape without the king's consent, then I say save yourselves in the
only way you can." And Clearchus answered: "So, then, that is your 20
deliberate view? Well, this is our answer, take it back. We conceive
that in either case, whether we are expected to be friends with the
king, we shall be worth more as friends if we keep our arms than if we
yield them to another; or whether we are to go to war, we shall fight
better with them than without." And Phalinus said: "That answer we
will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this besides, 'Whilst you
remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step back, the
truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that
point also? Are you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be
war? What answer shall I take from you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray
answer that we hold precisely the same views on this point as the
king."--"How say you the same views?" asked Phalinus. Clearchus made
answer: "As long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or
a step backward, the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked:
"Peace or war, what answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer
once again in the same words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move forwards or backwards war." But what he was minded really to do, that he refused to make further manifest. |
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