Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon,
two Achaeans: "It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be
privately persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims
for that end, without letting the army into the secret, or breathing a
syllable in public about the matter." When it came to this, Xenophon
was forced to get up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are well aware
that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf
or my own, I strive in every thought, word, and deed to be directed as
is best for yourselves and for me. And in the present instance my sole
object was to learn whether it were better even so much as to broach
the subject, and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing to do
with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his answer
of what was the main point: 'the victims were favourable.' No doubt
Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself in his lore, as I have so
often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added that there were symptoms
in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a
happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at
the moment to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale
going that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these projects
without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I saw that you 30
were in any difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you
might capture a city, on the understanding of course that all who
wished might sail away at once, leaving those who did not wish, to
follow at a later date, with something perhaps in their pockets to
benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of
Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away,
and more than one person guarantees to give you regular monthly pay,
it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven of our
hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our preservation. For
myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to
urge these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact,
this is my view. As long as you stay together united as to-day, you
will command respect and procure provisions; for might certainly
exercises a right over what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up,
with your force split into bits, you will neither be able to get
subsistence, nor indeed will you get off without paying dearly for it.
In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with yours. It is that we
should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or is caught
deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as an
evil-doer. Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up
their hands."
They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving
to maintain the right of departure for all who liked to depart. But
the soldiers would not suffer him, threatening him that if he were
himself caught attempting to run away they would inflict the aforesaid
penalty. After this, when the Heracleots learned that the departure by
sea was resolved upon, and that the measure itself emanated from
Xenophon, they sent the vessels indeed; but as to the money which they
had promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay for the soldiers, they were
not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them both. Thus the
two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay were utterly confounded,
and stood in terror of the soldiers. What they did then, was to take
to them the other generals to whom they had communicated their former
transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the Asniaean, who, as
lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued
absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and said that 36
their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, they thought
it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the territory of the Phasians
(whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes (5)). Xenophon's reply
was curt:--Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army
in this matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an
assembly and have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set
forth as his opinion:--It were best to hold no parliament at present,
but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his own officers. Thus
they went away and proceeded to execute their plans.
(5) Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times
onwards; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.
VII
Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation, 1
and Neon gave out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to
adopt his views, and had a plan to cheat the soldiers and take them
back to the Phasis. The soldiers were highly indignant; meetings were
held; little groups gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming
probability that they would repeat the violence with which they had
lately treated the heralds of the Colchians and the clerks of the
market; when all who did not save themselves by jumping into the sea
were stoned to death. So Xenophon, seeing what a storm was brewing,
resolved to anticipate matters so far as to summon a meeting of the
men without delay, and thus prevent their collecting of their own
accord, and he ordered the herald to announce an assembly. The voice
of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed with great
readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without accusing the
generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I hear
that a charge is brought against me. It is I apparently who am going
to cheat you and carry you off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is
holy to listen to me; and if there be found any guilt in me, let me
not leave this place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but
if my accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I
presume, sirs, you know where the sun rises and where he sets, and
that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey towards the sunset;
whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must contrariwise fix 6
his face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a man might
hope to cheat you? Could any one make you believe that the sun rises
here and sets there, or that he sets here and rises there? And
doubtless you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who
bears the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind
inwards towards the Phasis, whence the saying--
"'When the North wind doth blow
Home to Hellas we will go (1).'
(1) Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The
words have a poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair
voyages to Hellas."
"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with
a south wind blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may
get you on board during a calm. Granted, but I shall be on board my
one ship, and you on board another hundred at least, and how am I to
constrain you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery
shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled and
bewitched by me, that I have got you to the Phasis; we proceed to
disembark on dry land. At last it will come out, that wherever you
are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the trick will be one
sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number something
like ten thousand with swords in your hands. I do not know how a man
could better ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a
policy with regards to himself and you.
"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous
of the honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I
hinder any of them from speaking any word of import in his power? of
striking a blow in your behalf and his own, if that is his choice? or,
finally, of keeping his eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What
is it? In your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is
that it? Let him step forward, I yield him place; he shall be your
general; only he must prove that he has your good at heart.
"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive 11
either that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he
could victimise any one else in such a thing as this, let him open his
lips and explain to us how. Take your time, but when you have sifted
the matter to your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering
me to tell you of something which I see looming. If it should burst
upon us and prove in fact anything like what it gives signs of being
now, it is time for us to take counsel for ourselves and see that we
do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of men in the sight
of gods and men, be they friends or be they foes." The words moved the
curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what this matter might be,
and bade him explain. Thereupon he began again: "You will not have
forgotten certain places in the hills--barbaric fastnesses, but
friendly to the Cerasuntines--from which people used to come down and
sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I
mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made
purchases in the market and came back again. Clearetus the captain
learnt of this place, that it was but a little one and unguarded. Why
should it be guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus
he stole upon it in the dead of night, and meant to sack it without
saying a word to any of us. His design was, if he took the place, not
to return again to the army, but to mount a vessel which, with his
messmates on board her, was sailing past at the time, and stowing away
what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. All this
had been agreed upon and arranged with his comrades on board the
vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he summoned to his side all
whom he could persuade, and set off at their head against the little
place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men collected out of
their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close quarters, made
such a fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest,
and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus.
"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither
on foot; while some of those who were to go by sea were still at
Cerasus, not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, according to 17
what the Cerasuntines state, there arrived three inhabitants of the
place which had been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview
with our public assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to
the men of Cerasus, and told them, they were astonished that we should
have thought it right to attack them; however, when, as the
Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence was not
authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and proposed to sail
here, not only to state to us what had occurred, but to offer that
those who were interested should take up and bury the bodies of the
slain.
"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had
escaped. They found out in which direction the barbarians were minded
to go, and not only had the face themselves to pelt them with stones,
but vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do the same. The three
men--ambassadors, mark you--were slain, stoned to death. After this
occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and
we generals, on being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place,
and took counsel with the Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the
Hellenes might be buried. While seated in conclave outside the camp,
we suddenly were aware of a great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them
down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!' and presently we caught sight of a
mass of people racing towards us with stones in their hands, and
others picking them up. The Cerasuntines, naturally enough,
considering the incident they had lately witnessed, retired in terror
to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too
comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all
meant. Some of them had not the slightest notion, although they had
stones in their hands, but chancing on some one who was better
informed, I was told by him that 'the clerks of the market were
treating the army most scandalously.' Just then some one got sight of
the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his way off towards the sea, and
lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest responding to the cry as if a 24
wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon him.
"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that,
without a doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all
speed and threw themselves into the sea, in which proceeding they were
imitated by some few of our own men, and all who did not know how to
swim were drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these men
of Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some
madness had seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.
"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day,
you had better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is
like to be. As a body you will not have it in your power to undertake
war against whom you like, or to conclude peace. But in private any
one who chooses will conduct the army on any quest which takes his
fancy. And when ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever
it may be, officious people will put them to death and prevent your
hearing the proposals which brought them to you. The next step will be
that those whom you as a body may choose as generals will be of no
account; but any one who likes to elect himself general, and will
adopt the formula 'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be competent to cut
down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or private soldier,
if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just now. But
just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for
you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a
wrong; if so, he has sailed off and is gone without paying you any
penalty; or he may be guiltless, in which case we have driven him from
the army in terror of perishing unjustly without a trial. While those
who stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of
all Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without a strong force,
and the corpses which the very men who slew them themselves invited us
to bury, we cannot now pick up with safety even under a flag of truce.
Who indeed would care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a herald with 30
the blood of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore
the Cerasuntines to bury them.
"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that
effect, so that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a
man may privately set up a guard and do his best to fix his tent where
he can find a strong position with a commanding site. If, however,
these seem to you to be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human
beings, bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or else, in
heaven's name, how shall we do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with
impious deeds to answer for? or how shall we, who lay the knife to
each other's throats, give battle to our enemies? What friendly city
will receive us when they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who
will have the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our
worthlessness in these weightiest concerns? and what becomes of the
praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who will vouchsafe it
to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow the
worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"
After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders
in these matters should be punished; and that for the future, to set
an example of lawlessness should be forbidden. Every such ringleader
was to be prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals were to bring
all offenders to the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other
misdemeanours committed since the death of Cyrus were to be
instituted; and they ended by constituting the officers into a board
of dicasts (2); and upon the strong representation of Xenophon, with
the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the
army, and this purification was made.
(2) I.e. a board of judges or jurors.
VIII
It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a 1
judicial examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In
course of investigation, Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were
condemned to pay a sum of twenty minae, to meet a deficiency to that
amount incurred during the guardianship of the cargoes of the
merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined ten minae for inadequate performance
of his duty as one of the chief officers selected. Against Xenophon a
charge was brought by certain people, who asserted that they had been
beaten by him, and framed the indictment as one of personal outrage
with violence (1). Xenophon got up and demanded that the first speaker
should state "where and when it was he had received these blows." The
other, so challenged, answered, "When we were perishing of cold and
there was a great depth of snow." Xenophon said: "Upon my word, with
weather such as you describe, when our provisions had run out, when
the wine could not even be smelt, when numbers were dropping down dead
beat, so acute was the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels;
certainly, if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I
plead guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the ass, which is
too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I wish you would tell
us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you for
something and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you?
Was it a debt, for which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some
boy or other? Was I the worse for liquor, and behaving like a
drunkard?" When the man met each of these questions with a negative,
he questioned him further: "Are you a heavy infantry soldier?" "No,"
said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet a peltast"; but he had been
ordered by his messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man. 5
Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: "Are you the fellow who
carried home the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he, "thanks to your
driving; and you made havoc of my messmates' kit." "Havoc!" said
Xenophon: "Nay, I distributed it; some to one man, some to another to
carry, and bade them bring the things safely to me; and when I got
them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on your side,
had rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he
continued, turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is
worth hearing:--
(1) See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of
common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution
seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton
attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. "Rhet." ii. 24.
"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised
the poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I
forced you, sir, to carry him to save his life. For if I am not much
mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels?" The fellow assented to
this. "Well then," said Xenophon, "after I had sent you forward, I
overtook you again, as I came up with the rearguard; you were digging
a trench with intent to bury the man; I pulled up and said something
in commendation; as we stood by the poor fellow twitched his leg, and
the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the man's alive!' Your remark was:
'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to carry him' Then I struck
you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as if you knew him to
be alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead when I reported
him to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same token we shall all
one day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we should all be
buried alive?" Then there was a general shout: "If Xenophon had given
the fellow a few more blows, it might have been better." The others
were now called upon to state the grounds on which they had been
beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to
state them himself.
"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in
discipline. These were men who were quite content to owe their safety
to us. Whilst the rest of the world marched on in rank and did
whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred to leave the ranks,
and rush forward to loot and enrich themselves at our expense. Now, if 13
this conduct were to be the rule, general ruin would be the result. I
do not deny that I have given blows to this man or the other who
played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly abandoning
himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For once in
the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long
time, whilst waiting for a party who were getting their kit together,
and I discovered how difficult it was to get up again and stretch
one's legs. After this personal experience, whenever I saw any one
else seated in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere
movement and effort to play the man caused warmth and moisture,
whereas it was plain that sitting down and keeping quiet helped the
blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities which really
befell several of the men, as you yourselves are aware.
"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind,
merely to rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us
behind alike from pressing on the march. If he got a blow with the
fist from me it saved him a thrust with the lance from the enemy. In
fact, the opportunity they enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for
any treatment which I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their
salvation then; whereas, if they had fallen into the enemy's hands,
let them ask themselves for what outrage, however great, they could
expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he continued, "is simple:
if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to suffer the same
penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys. Does
not the surgeon also cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you
really believe that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I
beg you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier than
formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine,
yet I never strike a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth
water. When storm arises, and a great sea strikes the vessel
amidships, a mere shake of the head will make the look-out man furious
with the crew in the forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the
stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin
everything. But I appeal to your own verdict, already recorded, in 21
proof that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by, sirs,
with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your
power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth,
you neither aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly.
In other words, you enabled any evilly-disposed person among them to
give rein to his wantonness by your passivity. For if you will be at
pains to investigate, you will find that those who were then most
cowardly are the ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage.
"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought
then to escape carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am
told he has stripped several citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on
their backs. If then you are wise, you will treat this personage in a
way the contrary to that in which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied
up on the day and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie
this fellow up at night and only let him loose in the day.
"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you
remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one;
but some other occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm
for any of you, or beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in
sickness and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for any
noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to my
ability did honour to this brave man or that; these things have
slipped from your memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were
surely more noble, just, and holy, sweeter and kindlier to treasure
the memory of good rather than of evil."
He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began
recalling incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so
unpleasantly after all.
BOOK VI
I
After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the 1
market, partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The
Paphlagonians, on their side, showed much skill in kidnapping
stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them, and in the night
time tried to do mischief to those whose quarters were at a distance
from the camp. The result was that their relations to one another were
exceedingly hostile, so much so that Corylas, who was the chief of
Paphlagonia at that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing
horses and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part of
Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the principle of mutual
forbearance from injuries. The generals replied that they would
consult with the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a
hospitable reception, to which they invited certain members of the
army whose claims were obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive
cattle and other sacrificial beasts, and with these they furnished
forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining on their
truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made of horn
which they happened to find in the country.
But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up
got first some Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the
sound of a pipe, leaping high into the air with much nimbleness, and
brandishing their swords, till at last one man struck his fellow, and
every one thought he was really wounded, so skilfully and artistically 6
did he fall, and the Paphlagonians screamed out. Then he that gave the
blow stripped the other of his arms, and marched off chanting the
"Sitalcas (1)," whilst others of the Thracians bore off the other, who
lay as if dead, though he had not received even a scratch.
(1) I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national
hero, see Thuc. ii. 29.
After this some Aenianians (2) and Magnesians got up and fell to
dancing the Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was the manner
of the dance: one man lays aside his arms and proceeds to drive a yoke
of oxen, and while he drives he sows, turning him about frequently, as
though he were afraid of something; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no
sooner does the ploughman catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up
his arms and confronts him. They fight in front of his team, and all
in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds the
countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver
binds the robber, and then he puts him under the yoke beside the oxen,
with his two hands tied behind his back, and off he drives.
(2) The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of
the Sperchius (the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata.
These men belonged to the army collected by Menon, the Thessalian.
So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe occupying
the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See
Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Macmillan's tr.), chap. vi.. 161,
170.
After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and
danced, at one time going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing
with two assailants at once; at another plying his shields as if to
face a single foe, and then again he would whirl about and throw
somersaults, keeping the shields in his hands, so that it was a
beautiful spectacle. Last of all he danced the Persian dance, clashing
the shields together, crouching down on one knee and springing up
again from earth; and all this he did in measured time to the sound of
the flute. After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some
other Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves in all
their warlike finery. They marched with measured tread, pipes playing,
to the tune of the 'warrior's march (3)'; the notes of the paean rose, 11
lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession to the
holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange
that all these dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing
their astonishment persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a
dancing girl to let him introduce her, which he did after dressing her
up magnificently and giving her a light shield. When, lithe of limb,
she danced the Pyrrhic (4), loud clapping followed; and the
Paphlagonians asked, "If these women fought by their side in battle?"
to which they answered, "To be sure, it was the women who routed the
great King, and drove him out of camp." So ended the night.
(3) See Plato, "Rep." 400 B, for this "war measure"; also Aristoph.
"Clouds," 653.
(4) For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan)
origin, see Smith's "Dict. of Antiquities," "Saltatio"; also Guhl
and Koner, "The Life of the Greeks and Romans," Eng. tr.
But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the
soldiers passed a resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves
and the Paphlagonians there was to be a mutual abstinence from
injuries. After this the ambassadors went on their way, and the
Hellenes, as soon as it was thought that sufficient vessels had
arrived, went on board ship, and voyaged a day and a night with a fair
breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left. And on the following day,
arriving at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of Harmene,
near Sinope (5). The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphlagonia, are
really colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of hospitality to
the Hellenes, three thousand measures of barley with fifteen hundred
jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined them with a
man-of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he
would have brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except
complimentary phrases, on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and
the rest, who sent them their congratulations, coupled with a promise
on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were outside the
Euxine, pay would be forthcoming.
(5) Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty
stades) west of that important city, itself a port town. See
Smith, "Dict. Geog.," "Sinope"; and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv.
60.
At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be 17
so close to Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not
empty-handed presented itself more forcibly to their minds than
heretofore. The conclusion they came to was to appoint a single
general, since one man would be better able to handle the troops, by
night or by day, than was possible while the generalship was divided.
If secrecy were desirable, it would be easier to keep matters dark, or
if again expedition were an object, there would be less risk of
arriving a day too late, since mutual explanations would be avoided,
and whatever approved itself to the single judgement would at once be
carried into effect, whereas previously the generals had done
everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority.
With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and
the officers came to him and told him that this was how the soldiers
viewed matters; and each of them, displaying a warmth of kindly
feeling, pressed him to accept the office. Xenophon partly would have
liked to do so, in the belief that by so doing he would win to himself
a higher repute in the esteem of his friends, and that his name would
be reported to the city written large; and by some stroke of fortune
he might even be the discoverer of some blessing to the army
collectively.
These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire
to hold the supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter
over, the conviction deepened in his mind that the issue of the future
is to every man uncertain; and hence there was the risk of perhaps
losing such reputation has he had already acquired. He was in sore
straights, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him to
lay the matter before heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to the
altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King, for it was he and no other
who had been named by the oracle at Delphi, and his belief was that
the vision which he had beheld when he first essayed to undertake the
joint administration of the army was sent to him by that god. He also
recalled to mind a circumstance which befell him still earlier, when 23
setting out from Ephesus to associate himself with Cyrus (6);--how an
eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still remained
perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it was a
great and royal omen (7); indicating glory and yet suffering; for the
punier race of birds only attack the eagle when seated. "Yet," added
he, "it bodes not gain in money; for the eagle seizes his food, not
when seated, but on the wing."
(6) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers
of Persia, when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media,
on his expedition against the Assyrian.
(7) It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary
or lone-flying bird, also means an omen. "It was a mighty bird and
a mighty omen."
Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him
a sign, neither to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept
the office. And that was how the matter stood when the army met, and
the proposal to elect a single leader was unanimous. After this
resolution was passed, they proposed Xenophon for election, and when
it seemed quite evident that they would elect him, if he put the
question to the vote, he got up and spoke as follows:--
"Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you.
I thank you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant
me to be an instrument of blessing to you. Still, when I consider it
closer, thus, in the presence of a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by
you as general, seems to me but ill conducive either to your interests
or to mine, since you will the less readily obtain from them hereafter
anything you may need, while for myself I look upon acceptance as even
somewhat dangerous. Do I not see and know with what persistence these
Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war till finally they forced our State
to acknowledge the leadership of Lacedaemon? This confession once
extorted from their antagonists, they ceased warring at once, and the
siege of the city was at an end. If, with these facts before my eyes,
I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their high self-esteem, I
cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be taught wisdom by
a painful process. But with your own idea that under a single general
there will be less factiousness than when there were many, be assured 29
that in choosing some other than me you will not find me factious. I
hold that whosoever sets up factious opposition to his leader
factiously opposes his own safety. While if you determine to choose
me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail upon you and
me the resentment of other people."
After those remarks on Xenophon's part, many more got up, one after
another, insisting on the propriety of his undertaking the command.
One of them, Agasias the Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous,
if things had come to this pass that the Lacedeamonians are to fly
into a rage because a number of friends have met together to dinner,
and omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the table.
"Really, if that is how matters stand," said he, "I do not see what
right we have to be officers even, we who are only Arcadians." That
sally brought down the plaudits of the assembly; and Xenophon, seeing
that something more was needed, stepped forward again and spoke,
"Pardon, sirs," he said, "let me make a clean breast of it. I swear to
you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and indeed, I no sooner
perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether it was
better for you to entrust this leadership to me, and for me to
undertake it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a sign to me so
plain that even a common man might understand it, and perceive that
from such sovereignty I must needs hold myself aloof."
Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his
election, stepped forward and said: "Nay, sirs, be well assured of
this, that had you chosen some one else, I for my part should not have
set up factious opposition. As to Xenophon, I believe you have done
him a good turn by not appointing him; for even now Dexippus has gone
some way in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power
to do so, and that, in spite of my attempts to silence him. What he
said was that he believed Xenophon would rather share the command of
Clearchus's army with Timasion, a Dardanian, than with himself, a
Laconian. But," continued Cheirisophus, "since your choice has fallen 33
upon me, I will make it my endeavour to do you all the good in my
power; so make your preparations to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and
weather permitting, we will voyage to Heraclea; every one must
endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the rest we will
consult, when we are come thither."
II
The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair 1
breeze, two days' voyage along the coast. (As they coasted along they
came in sight of Jason's beach (1), where, as the story says, the ship
Argo came to moorings; and then the mouths of the rivers, first the
Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the
Parthenius.) Coasting past (the latter), they reached Heraclea (2), a
Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory
of the Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage off the Acherusian
Chersonese, where Heracles (3) is said to have descended to bring up
the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the marks of his
descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots
sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand measures of
barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred
sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is
called, about two hundred feet in breadth.
(1) I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at
first sight, a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote
it, and Hug and other commentators regard it as spurious. Jason's
beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three first-named rivers
lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one of his
editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note
concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. "By
the way, I ought to have told you that as they coasted along,"
etc.
(2) One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as
Pontica (whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It
was one of the older Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to
give that town its proper name), a Megaro-Doric colony. See
Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.
(3) According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to
bring up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.
The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of
the journey: should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by
land? and Lycon the Achaean got up and said: "I am astonished, sirs,
that the generals do not endeavour to provide us more efficiently with
provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days' 4
victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide
ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the
Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes." Another speaker
suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at once, before we
break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain
their answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon
they proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost
Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen general-in-chief; others also
named Xenophon.
But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both
alike that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly,
to give anything which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since
these two appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon the
Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian.
These three went and announced the resolutions passed by the army.
Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain
consequences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they
would deliberate; and, without more ado, they got together their goods
and chattels from their farms and fields outside, and dismantled the
market outside and transferred it within, after which the gates were
closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the walls.
At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to
accusing the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the
Arcadians and Archaeans banded together, chiefly under the auspices of
the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean.
The language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a
single Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier
to the expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they
themselves should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils,
and that too though the preservation of the army was due to
themselves; for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and 10
Achaeans the credit of that achievement was due, and the rest of the
army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the Arcadians
and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole army).
What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and
Achaeans, should make common cause, choose generals for themselves
independently, continue the march, and try somewhat to better their
condition. This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans
who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting up
for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it
was decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved
themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in
Cheirisophus was terminated there and then, within less than a week of
his appointment.
Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their
company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than for each to
start on his own account. But Neon threw in his weight in favour of
separate action. "Every one for himself," he said, for he had heard
from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at
Byzantium, talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels.
Neon's advice was due to his desire to secure a passage home in these
war vessels for themselves and their soldiers, without allowing any
one else to share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was
at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured with
the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to do just
what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to be
quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to
Heracles the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and
more desirable to continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had
remained faithful, or to take his departure, the god indicated to him
by the victims that he should adopt the former course.
In this way the army was now split up into three divisions (4). First,
the Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all
heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand 16
four hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred peltasts, or
Clearchus's Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand
seven hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he
alone had the cavalry--about forty troopers.
(4) The total now amounted to 8640 and over.
The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some
vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing
suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as large a haul as possible. With
that object they disembarked at Calpe Haven (5), pretty nearly at the
middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from
Heraclea, commenced a land march through the country; but having
entered into Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and
strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking
on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through
the heart of the country (6).
(5) The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The
name is interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock
fortress of Gibraltar.
(6) Some MSS. here read, "In the prior chapter will be found a
description of the manner in which the absolute command of
Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated and the army of the Hellenes
broken up. The sequel will show how each of these divisions
fared." The passage is probably one of those commentators' notes,
with which we are now familiar.
III
The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven, 1
marched against the nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the
sea; and as soon as it was light, each of the ten generals led his
company to attack one village, or if the village were large, a couple
of companies advanced under their combined generals. They further
agreed upon a certain knoll, where they were all eventually to
assemble. So sudden was their attack that they seized a number of
captives and enclosed a multitude of small cattle. But the Thracians
who escaped began to collect again; for being light-armed troops they
had slipped in large numbers through the hands of the heavy infantry;
and now that they were got together they first attacked the company of
the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had done his work and was retiring
to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train of
captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a
running fight (1); but at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, 5
slaying Smicres himself and those with him to a man. The fate of
another company under command of Hegesander, another of the ten, was
nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Hegesander being one of them.
The remaining captains eventually met, some with somewhat to show for
their pains, others empty-handed.
(1) Lit. "marched and fought," as did the forlorn hope under Sir C.
Wilson making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.
The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual
shouting and clatter of conversation to one another during the night;
but with day-dawn they marshalled themselves right round the knoll on
which the Hellenes were encamped--both cavalry in large numbers and
light-armed troops--while every minute the stream of new-comers grew
greater. Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all
security, for the Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or
mounted trooper amongst them; while the enemy rushed forward on foot
or galloped up on horseback and let fly their javelins. It was vain to
attempt to retaliate, so lightly did they spring back and escape; and
ever the attack renewed itself from every point, so that on one side
man after man was wounded, on the other not a soul was touched; the
result being that they could not stir from their position, and the
Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. In their
despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally various
concessions were made and terms agreed to between them; but the
Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in answer to the demand of
the Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared it with the Arcadians. |
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