In reality, to whatever cause Rizzio owed his power (and to even
the most clear-sighted historians this point has always remained
obscure), be it that he ruled as lover, be it that he advised as minister,
his counsels as long as he lived were always given for the greater glory
of the queen. Sprung from so low, he at least wished to show
himself worthy, of having risen so high, and owing everything to Mary, he
tried to repay her with devotion. Thus Darnley was not mistaken, and it
was indeed Rizzio who, in despair at having helped to bring about a
union which he foresaw must become so unfortunate, gave Mary the advice not
to give up any of her power to one who already possessed much more than
he deserved, in possessing her person.
Darnley, like all persons of
both weak and violent character, disbelieved in the persistence of will in
others, unless this will was sustained by an outside influence. He thought
that in ridding himself of Rizzio he could not fail to gain the day, since,
as he believed, he alone was opposing the grant of this great desire of his,
the crown matrimonial. Consequently, as Rizzio was disliked by the nobles
in proportion as his merits had raised him above them, it was easy
for Darnley to organise a conspiracy, and James Douglas of
Morton, chancellor of the kingdom, consented to act as chief.
This is
the second time since the beginning of our narrative that we inscribe this
name Douglas, so often pronounced, in Scottish history, and which at this
time, extinct in the elder branch, known as the Black Douglases, was
perpetuated in the younger branch, known as the Red Douglases. It was an
ancient, noble, and powerful family, which, when the descent in the male line
from Robert Bruce had lapsed, disputed the royal title with the first Stuart,
and which since then had constantly kept alongside the throne, sometimes its
support, sometimes its enemy, envying every great house, for greatness made
it uneasy, but above all envious of the house of Hamilton, which, if not its
equal, was at any rate after itself the next most powerful.
During the
whole reign of James V, thanks to the hatred which the king bore them, the
Douglases had: not only lost all their influence, but had also been exiled to
England. This hatred was on account of their having seized the guardianship
of the young prince and kept him prisoner till he was fifteen. Then, with the
help of one of his pages, James V had escaped from Falkland, and had reached
Stirling, whose governor was in his interests. Scarcely was he safe in the
castle than he made proclamation that any Douglas who should approach within
a dozen miles of it would be prosecuted for high treason. This was not all:
he obtained a decree from Parliament, declaring them guilty of felony,
and condemning them to exile; they remained proscribed, then, during
the king’s lifetime, and returned to Scotland only upon his death.
The result was that, although they had been recalled about the throne,
and though, thanks to the past influence of Murray, who, one remembers,
was a Douglas on the mother’s side, they filled the most important
posts there, they had not forgiven to the daughter the enmity borne them
by the father.
This was why James Douglas, chancellor as he was, and
consequently entrusted with the execution of the laws, put himself at the
head of a conspiracy which had for its aim the violation of all laws; human
and divine.
Douglas’s first idea had been to treat Rizzio as the
favourites of James III had been treated at the Bridge of Lauder—that is to
say, to make a show of having a trial and to hang him afterwards. But such a
death did not suffice for Darnley’s vengeance; as above everything he wished
to punish the queen in Rizzio’s person, he exacted that the murder
should take place in her presence.
Douglas associated with himself
Lord Ruthven, an idle and dissolute sybarite, who under the circumstances
promised to push his devotion so far as to wear a cuirass; then, sure of this
important accomplice, he busied himself with finding other
agents.
However, the plot was not woven with such secrecy but that
something of it transpired; and Rizzio received several warnings that he
despised. Sir James Melville, among others, tried every means to make
him understand the perils a stranger ran who enjoyed such
absolute confidence in a wild, jealous court like that of Scotland.
Rizzio received these hints as if resolved not to apply them to himself;
and Sir James Melville, satisfied that he had done enough to ease
his conscience, did not insist further. Then a French priest, who had
a reputation as a clever astrologer, got himself admitted to Rizzio,
and warned him that the stars predicted that he was in deadly peril,
and that he should beware of a certain bastard above all. Rizzio
replied that from the day when he had been honoured with his
sovereign’s confidence, he had sacrificed in advance his life to his
position; that since that time, however, he had had occasion to notice that
in general the Scotch were ready to threaten but slow to act; that, as to
the bastard referred to, who was doubtless the Earl of Murray, he would
take care that he should never enter Scotland far enough for his sword
to reach him, were it as long as from Dumfries to Edinburgh; which in
other words was as much as to say that Murray should remain exiled in
England for life, since Dumfries was one of the principal frontier
towns.
Meanwhile the conspiracy proceeded, and Douglas and Ruthven,
having collected their accomplices and taken their measures, came to Darnley
to finish the compact. As the price of the bloody service they rendered
the king, they exacted from him a promise to obtain the pardon of Murray
and the nobles compromised with him in the affair of the "run in
every sense". Darnley granted all they asked of him, and a messenger was
sent to Murray to inform him of the expedition in preparation, and to
invite him to hold himself in readiness to reenter Scotland at the first
notice he should receive. Then, this point settled, they made Darnley sign
a paper in which he acknowledged himself the author and chief of
the enterprise. The other assassins were the Earl of Morton, the Earl
of Ruthven, George Douglas the bastard of Angus, Lindley, and
Andrew, Carew. The remainder were soldiers, simple murderers’ tools, who did
not even know what was afoot. Darnley reserved it for himself to appoint
the time.
Two days after these conditions were agreed upon, Darnley
having been notified that the queen was alone with Rizzio, wished to make
himself sure of the degree of her favour enjoyed by the minister. He
accordingly went to her apartment by a little door of which he always kept
the key upon him; but though the key turned in the lock, the door did not
open. Then Darnley knocked, announcing himself; but such was the contempt
into which he had fallen with the queen, that Mary left him
outside, although, supposing she had been alone with Rizzio, she would have
had time to send him away. Darnley, driven to extremities by this,
summoned Morton, Ruthven, Lennox, Lindley, and Douglas’s bastard, and fixed
the assassination of Rizzio for two days later.
They had just
completed all the details, and had, distributed the parts that each must play
in this bloody tragedy, when suddenly, and at the moment when they least
expected it, the door opened and, Mary Stuart appeared on the
threshold.
"My lords," said she, "your holding these secret counsels is
useless. I am informed of your plots, and with God’s help I shall soon apply
a remedy".
With these words, and before the conspirators hid had time
to collect themselves, she shut the door again, and vanished like a passing
but threatening vision. All remained thunderstruck. Morton was the first
to find his tongue.
"My lords," said he, "this is a game of life and
death, and the winner will not be the cleverest or the strongest, but the
readiest. If we do not destroy this man, we are lost. We must strike him
down, this very evening, not the day after to-morrow."
Everyone
applauded, even Ruthven, who, still pale and feverish from riotous living,
promised not to be behindhand. The only point changed, on Morton’s
suggestion, was that the murder should take place next day; for, in the
opinion of all, not less than a day’s interval was needed to collect the
minor conspirators, who numbered not less than five hundred.
The next
day, which was Saturday, March 9th, 1566, Mary Stuart, who had inherited from
her father, James V, a dislike of ceremony and the need of liberty, had
invited to supper with her six persons, Rizzio among the number. Darnley,
informed of this in the morning, immediately gave notice of it to the
conspirators, telling them that he himself would let them into the palace
between six and seven o’clock in the evening. The conspirators replied that
they would be in readiness.
The morning had been dark and stormy, as
nearly all the first days of spring are in Scotland, and towards evening the
snow and wind redoubled in depth and violence. So Mary had remained shut up
with Rizzio, and Darnley, who had gone to the secret door several times,
could hear the sound of instruments and the voice of the favourite, who was
singing those sweet melodies which have come down to our time, and
which Edinburgh people still attribute to him. These songs were for Mary
a reminder of her stay in France, where the artists in the train of
the Medicis had already brought echoes from Italy; but for Darnley they
were an insult, and each time he had withdrawn strengthened in his
design.
At the appointed time, the conspirators, who had been given the
password during the day, knocked at the palace gate, and were received there
so much the more easily that Darnley himself, wrapped in a great
cloak, awaited them at the postern by which they were admitted. The
five hundred soldiers immediately stole into an inner courtyard, where
they placed themselves under some sheds, as much to keep themselves from
the cold as that they might not be seen on the snow-covered ground.
A brightly lighted window looked into this courtyard; it was that of
the queen’s study: at the first signal give them from this window,
the soldiers were to break in the door and go to the help of the
chief conspirators.
These instructions given, Darnley led Morton,
Ruthven, Lennox, Lindley, Andrew Carew, and Douglas’s bastard into the room
adjoining the study, and only separated from it by a tapestry hanging before
the door. From there one could overhear all that was being said, and at a
single bound fall upon the guests.
Darnley left them in this room,
enjoining silence; then, giving them as a signal to enter the moment when
they should hear him cry, "To me, Douglas!" he went round by the secret
passage, so that seeing him come in by his usual door the queen’s suspicions
might not be roused by his unlooked-for visit.
Mary was at supper with
six persons, having, say de Thou and Melville, Rizzio seated on her right;
while, on the contrary, Carapden assures us that he was eating standing at a
sideboard. The talk was gay and intimate; for all were giving themselves up
to the ease one feels at being safe and warm, at a hospitable board, while
the snow is beating against the windows and the wind roaring in the chimneys.
Suddenly Mary, surprised that the most profound silence had succeeded to the
lively and animated flow of words among her guests since the beginning of
supper, and suspecting, from their glances, that the cause of their
uneasiness was behind her, turned round and saw Darnley leaning on the back
of her chair. The queen shuddered; for although her husband was smiling
when looking at Rizzio, this smile lead assumed such a strange
expression that it was clear that something terrible was about to happen. At
the same moment, Mary heard in the next room a heavy, dragging step
drew near the cabinet, then the tapestry was raised, and Lord Ruthven,
in armour of which he could barely support the weight, pale as a
ghost, appeared on the threshold, and, drawing his sword in silence,
leaned upon it.
The queen thought he was delirious.
"What do
you want, my lord?" she said to him; "and why do you come to the palace like
this?"
"Ask the king, madam," replied Ruthven in an indistinct voice. "It
is for him to answer."
"Explain, my lord," Mary demanded, turning
again towards Darnley; "what does such a neglect of ordinary propriety
mean?"
"It means, madam," returned Darnley, pointing to Rizzio, "that
that man must leave here this very minute."
"That man is mine, my
lord," Mary said, rising proudly, "and consequently takes orders only from
me."
"To me, Douglas!" cried Darnley.
At these words, the
conspirators, who for some moments had drawn nearer Ruthven, fearing, so
changeable was Darnley’s character, lest he had brought them in vain and
would not dare to utter the signal—at these words, the conspirators rushed
into the room with such haste that they overturned the table. Then David
Rizzio, seeing that it was he alone they wanted, threw himself on his knees
behind the queen, seizing the hem of her robe and crying in Italian,
"Giustizia! giustizia!" Indeed, the queen, true to her character, not
allowing herself to be intimidated by this terrible irruption, placed herself
in front of Rizzio and sheltered him behind her Majesty. But she counted too
much on the respect of a nobility accustomed to struggle hand to hand with
its kings for five centuries. Andrew Carew held a dagger to her breast
and threatened to kill her if she insisted on defending any longer him
whose death was resolved upon. Then Darnley, without consideration for
the queen’s pregnancy, seized her round the waist and bore her away
from Rizzio, who remained on his knees pale and trembling, while
Douglas’s bastard, confirming the prediction of the astrologer who had
warned Rizzio to beware of a certain bastard, drawing the king’s own
dagger, plunged it into the breast of the minister, who fell wounded, but
not dead. Morton immediately took him by the feet and dragged him from
the cabinet into the larger room, leaving on the floor that long track
of blood which is still shown there; then, arrived there, each rushed
upon him as upon a quarry, and set upon the corpse, which they stabbed
in fifty-six places. Meanwhile Darnley held the queen, who, thinking
that all was not over, did not cease crying for mercy. But Ruthven came
back, paler than at first, and at Darnley’s inquiry if Rizzio were dead,
he nodded in the affirmative; then, as he could not bear further fatigue
in his convalescent state, he sat down, although the queen, whom
Darnley had at last released, remained standing on the same spot. At this
Mary could not contain herself.
"My lord," cried she, "who has given
you permission to sit down in my presence, and whence comes such
insolence?"
"Madam," Ruthven answered, "I act thus not from insolence,
but from weakness; for, to serve your husband, I have just taken more
exercise than my doctors allow". Then turning round to a servant, "Give me
a glass of wine," said he, showing Darnley his bloody dagger
before putting it back in its sheath, "for here is the proof that I have
well earned it". The servant obeyed, and Ruthven drained his glass with
as much calmness as if he had just performed the most innocent
act.
"My lord," the queen then said, taking a step towards him, "it may
be that as I am a woman, in spite of my desire and my will, I never find
an opportunity to repay you what you are doing to me; but," she
added, energetically striking her womb with her hand, "he whom I bear
there, and whose life you should have respected, since you respect my
Majesty so little, will one day revenge me for all these insults". Then, with
a gesture at once superb and threatening, she withdrew by Darnley’s
door, which she closed behind her.
At that moment a great noise was
heard in the queen’s room. Huntly, Athol, and Bothwell, who, we are soon
about to see, play such an important part in the sequel of this history, were
supping together in another hall of the palace, when suddenly they had heard
outcries and the clash of arms, so that they had run with all speed. When
Athol, who came first, without knowing whose it was, struck against the dead
body of Rizzio, which was stretched at the top of the staircase,
they believed, seeing someone assassinated, that the lives of the king
and queen were threatened, and they had drawn their swords to force the
door that Morton was guarding. But directly Darnley understood what was
going on, he darted from the cabinet, followed by Ruthven, and showing
himself to the newcomers—
"My lords," he said, "the persons of the
queen and myself are safe, and nothing has occurred here but by our orders.
Withdraw, then; you will know more about it in time. As to him," he added,
holding up Rizzio’s head by the hair, whilst the bastard of Douglas lit up
the face with a torch so that it could be recognised, "you see who it is, and
whether it is worth your while to get into trouble for him".
And in
fact, as soon as Huntly, Athol, and Bothwell had recognised
the musician-minister, they sheathed their swords, and, having saluted
the king, went away.
Mary had gone away with a single thought in her
heart, vengeance. But she understood that she could not revenge herself at
one and the same time on her husband and his companions: she set to work,
then, with all the charms of her wit and beauty to detach the kind from
his accomplices. It was not a difficult task: when that brutal rage
which often carried Darnley beyond all bounds was spent, he was
frightened himself at the crime he had committed, and while the
assassins, assembled by Murray, were resolving that he should have that
greatly desired crown matrimonial, Darnley, as fickle as he was violent, and
as cowardly as he was cruel, in Mary’s very room, before the scarcely
dried blood, made another compact, in which he engaged to deliver up
his accomplices. Indeed, three days after the event that we have
just related, the murderers learned a strange piece of news—that Darnley
and Mary, accompanied by Lord Seyton, had escaped together from
Holyrood Palace. Three days later still, a proclamation appeared, signed by
Mary and dated from Dunbar, which summoned round the queen, in her own
name and the king’s, all the Scottish lords and barons, including those
who had been compromised in the affair of the "run in every sense," to
whom she not only granted full and complete pardon, but also restored
her entire confidence. In this way she separated Murray’s cause from that
of Morton and the other assassins, who, in their turn, seeing that
there was no longer any safety for them in Scotland, fled to England,
where all the queen’s enemies were always certain to find a warm welcome,
in spite of the good relations which reigned in appearance between Mary
and Elizabeth. As to Bothwell, who had wanted to oppose the
assassination, he was appointed Warden of all the Marches of the
Kingdom.
Unfortunately for her honour, Mary, always more the woman than
the queen, while, on the contrary, Elizabeth was always more the queen
than the woman, had no sooner regained her power than her first royal act
was to exhume Rizzio, who had been quietly buried on the threshold of
the chapel nearest Holyrood Palace, and to have him removed to
the burial-place of the Scottish kings, compromising herself still more
by the honours she paid him dead than by the favour she had granted
him living.
Such an imprudent demonstration naturally led to fresh
quarrels between Mary and Darnley: these quarrels were the more bitter that,
as one can well understand, the reconciliation between the husband and wife,
at least on the latter’s side, had never been anything but a pretence;
so that, feeling herself in a stronger position still on account of
her pregnancy, she restrained herself no longer, and, leaving Darnley,
she went from Dunbar to Edinburgh Castle, where on June 19th, 1566,
three months after the assassination of Rizzio, she gave birth to a son
who afterwards became James VI.
CHAPTER
III
Directly she was delivered, Mary sent for James Melville, her
usual envoy to Elizabeth, and charged him to convey this news to the Queen
of England, and to beg her to be godmother to the royal child at the
same time. On arriving in London, Melville immediately presented himself
at the palace; but as there was a court ball, he could not see the
queen, and contented himself with making known the reason for his journey
to the minister Cecil, and with begging him to ask his mistress for
an audience next day. Elizabeth was dancing in a quadrille at the
moment when Cecil, approaching her, said in a low voice, "Queen Mary
of Scotland has just given birth to a son". At these words she
grew frightfully pale, and, looking about her with a bewildered air, and
as if she were about to faint, she leaned against an arm-chair; then,
soon, not being able to stand upright, she sat down, threw back her head,
and plunged into a mournful reverie. Then one of the ladies of her
court, breaking through the circle which had formed round the queen,
approached her, ill at ease, and asked her of what she was thinking so sadly.
"Ah! madam," Elizabeth replied impatiently, "do you not know that Mary
Stuart has given birth to a son, while I am but a barren stock, who will
die without offspring?"
Yet Elizabeth was too good a politician, in
spite of her liability to be carried away by a first impulse, to compromise
herself by a longer display of her grief. The ball was not discontinued on
that account, and the interrupted quadrille was resumed and
finished.
The next day, Melville had his audience. Elizabeth received him
to perfection, assuring him of all the pleasure that the news he
brought had caused her, and which, she said, had cured her of a complaint
from which she had suffered for a fortnight. Melville replied that
his mistress had hastened to acquaint her with her joy, knowing that she
had no better friend; but he added that this joy had nearly cost Mary
her life, so grievous had been her confinement. As he was returning to
this point for the third time, with the object of still further
increasing the queen of England’s dislike to marriage—
"Be easy,
Melville," Elizabeth answered him; "you need not insist upon it. I shall
never marry; my kingdom takes the place of a husband for me, and my subjects
are my children. When I am dead, I wish graven on my tombstone: ’Here lies
Elizabeth, who reigned so many years, and who died a
virgin.’"
Melville availed himself of this opportunity to remind
Elizabeth of the desire she had shown to see Mary, three or four years
before; but Elizabeth said, besides her country’s affairs, which necessitated
her presence in the heart of her possessions, she did not care, after
all she had heard said of her rival’s beauty, to expose herself to
a comparison disadvantageous to her pride. She contented herself,
then, with choosing as her proxy the Earl of Bedford, who set out with
several other noblemen for Stirling Castle, where the young prince
was christened with great pomp, and received the name of Charles
James.
It was remarked that Darnley did not appear at this ceremony, and
that his absence seemed to scandalise greatly the queen of England’s
envoy. On the contrary, James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, had the most
important place there.
This was because, since the evening when
Bothwell, at Mary’s cries, had run to oppose the murder of Rizzio, he had
made great way in the queen’s favour; to her party he himself appeared to be
really attached, to the exclusion of the two others, the king’s and the Earl
of Murray’s. Bothwell was already thirty-five years old, head of the powerful
family of Hepburn, which had great influence in East Lothian and the county
of Berwick; for the rest, violent, rough, given to every kind
of debauchery, and capable of anything to satisfy an ambition that he
did not even give himself the trouble to hide. In his youth he had
been reputed courageous, but for long he had had no serious opportunity
to draw the sword.
If the king’s authority had been shaken by Rizzio’s
influence, it was entirely upset by Bothwell’s. The great nobles, following
the favourite’s example, no longer rose in the presence of Darnley,
and ceased little by little to treat him as their equal: his retinue was
cut down, his silver plate taken from him, and some officers who
remained about him made him buy their services with the most bitter
vexations. As for the queen, she no longer even took the trouble to conceal
her dislike for him, avoiding him without consideration, to such a
degree that one day when she had gone with Bothwell to Alway, she left
there again immediately, because Darnley came to join her. The king,
however, still had patience; but a fresh imprudence of Mary’s at last led to
the terrible catastrophe that, since the queen’s liaison with Bothwell,
some had already foreseen.
Towards the end of the month of October,
1566, while the queen was holding a court of justice at Jedburgh, it was
announced to her that Bothwell, in trying to seize a malefactor called John
Elliot of Park, had been badly wounded in the hand; the queen, who was about
to attend the council, immediately postponed the sitting till next day,
and, having ordered a horse to be saddled, she set out for Hermitage
Castle, where Bothwell was living, and covered the distance at a
stretch, although it was twenty miles, and she had to go across woods,
marshes, and rivers; then, having remained some hours tete-a-tete with him,
she set out again with the same sped for Jedburgh, to which she returned
in the night.
Although this proceeding had made a great deal of talk,
which was inflamed still more by the queen’s enemies, who chiefly belonged to
the Reformed religion, Darnley did not hear of it till nearly two
months afterwards—that is to say, when Bothwell, completely recovered,
returned with the queen to Edinburgh.
Then Darnley thought that he
ought not to put up any longer with such humiliations. But as, since his
treason to his accomplices, he had not found in all Scotland a noble who
would have drawn the sword for him, he resolved to go and seek the Earl of
Lennox, his father, hoping that through his influence he could rally the
malcontents, of whom there were a great number since Bothwell had been in
favour. Unfortunately, Darnley, indiscreet and imprudent as usual, confided
this plan to some of his officers, who warned Bothwell of their master’s
intention. Bothwell did not seem to oppose the journey in any way; but
Darnley was scarcely a mile from Edinburgh when he felt violent pains none
the less, he continued his road, and arrived very ill at Glasgow. He
immediately sent for a celebrated doctor, called James Abrenets, who found
his body covered with pimples, and declared without any hesitation that he
had been poisoned. However, others, among them Walter Scott, state that
this illness was nothing else than smallpox.
Whatever it may have
been, the queen, in the presence of the danger her husband ran, appeared to
forget her resentment, and at the risk of what might prove troublesome to
herself, she went to Darnley, after sending her doctor in advance. It is true
that if one is to believe in the following letters, dated from Glasgow, which
Mary is accused of having written to Bothwell, she knew the illness with
which he was attacked too well to fear infection. As these letters are little
known, and seem to us very singular we transcribe them here; later we shall
tell how they fell into the power of the Confederate lords, and from their
hands passed into Elizabeth’s, who, quite delighted, cried on receiving
them, "God’s death, then I hold her life and honour in my
hands!"
FIRST LETTER
"When I set out from the place where I had
left my heart, judge in what a condition I was, poor body without a soul:
besides, during the whole of dinner I have not spoken to anyone, and no one
has dared to approach me, for it was easy to see that there was something
amiss. When I arrived within a league of the town, the Earl of Lennox sent me
one of his gentlemen to make me his compliments, and to excuse himself for
not having come in person; he has caused me to be informed, moreover,
that he did not dare to present himself before me after the reprimand that
I gave Cunningham. This gentleman begged me, as if of his own accord,
to examine his master’s conduct, to ascertain if my suspicions were
well founded. I have replied to him that fear was an incurable disease,
that the Earl of Lennox would not be so agitated if his conscience
reproached him with nothing, and that if some hasty words had escaped me,
they were but just reprisals for the letter he had written me.
"None
of the inhabitants visited me, which makes me think they are all in his
interests; besides, they speak of him very favourably, as well as of his son.
The king sent for Joachim yesterday, and asked him why I did not lodge with
him, adding that my presence would soon cure him, and asked me also with what
object I had come: if it were to be reconciled with him; if you were here; if
I had taken Paris and Gilbert as secretaries, and if I were still resolved to
dismiss Joseph? I do not know who has given him such accurate information.
There is nothing, down to the marriage of Sebastian, with which he has not
made himself acquainted. I have asked him the meaning of one of his letters,
in which he complains of the cruelty of certain people. He replied that
he was—stricken, but that my presence caused him so much joy that
he thought he should die of it. He reproached me several times for
being dreamy; I left him to go to supper; he begged me to return: I went
back. Then he told me the story of his illness, and that he wished to make
a will leaving me everything, adding that I was a little the cause of
his trouble, and that he attributed it to my coldness. ’You ask me,’
added he, ’who are the people of whom I complain: it is of you, cruel one,
of you, whom I have never been able to appease by my tears and
my repentance. I know that I have offended you, but not on the matter
that you reproach me with: I have also offended some of your subjects,
but that you have forgiven me. I am young, and you say that I always
relapse into my faults; but cannot a young man like me, destitute of
experience, gain it also, break his promises, repent directly, and in time
improve? If you will forgive me yet once more, I will promise to offend you
never again. All the favour I ask of you is that we should live together
like husband and wife, to have but one bed and one board: if you
are inflexible, I shall never rise again from here. I entreat you, tell
me your decision: God alone knows what I suffer, and that because I
occupy myself with you only, because I love and adore only you. If I
have offended you sometimes, you must bear the reproach; for when
someone offends me, if it were granted me to complain to you, I should
not confide my griefs to others; but when we are on bad terms, I am
obliged to keep them to myself, and that maddens me.’
"He then urged
me strongly to stay with him and lodge in his house; but I excused myself,
and replied that he ought to be purged, and that he could not be,
conveniently, at Glasgow; then he told me that he knew I had brought a letter
for him, but that he would have preferred to make the journey with me. He
believed, I think, that I meant to send him to some prison: I replied that I
should take him to Craigmiller, that he would find doctors there, that I
should remain near him, and that we should be within reach of seeing my son.
He has answered that he will go where I wish to take him, provided that I
grant him what he has asked. He does not, however, wish to be seen by
anyone.
"He has told me more than a hundred pretty things that I cannot
repeat to you, and at which you yourself would be surprised: he did not want
to let me go; he wanted to make me sit up with him all night. As for me,
I pretended to believe everything, and I seemed to interest myself
really in him. Besides, I have never seen him so small and humble; and if I
had not known how easily his heart overflows, and how mine is impervious
to every other arrow than those with which you have wounded it, I
believe that I should have allowed myself to soften; but lest that should
alarm you, I would die rather than give up what I have promised you. As
for you, be sure to act in the same way towards those traitors who will
do all they can to separate you from me. I believe that all those
people have been cast in the same mould: this one always has a tear in his
eye; he bows down before everyone, from the greatest to the smallest;
he wishes to interest them in his favour, and make himself pitied.
His father threw up blood to-day through the nose and mouth; think
what these symptoms mean. I have not seen him yet, for he keeps to the
house. The king wants me to feed him myself; he won’t eat unless I do.
But, whatever I may do, you will be deceived by it no more than I shall
be deceiving myself. We are united, you and I, to two kinds of
very detestable people [Mary means Miss Huntly, Bothwell’s wife, whom
he repudiated, at the king’s death, to marry the queen.]: that hell
may sever these knots then, and that heaven may form better ones,
that nothing can break, that it may make of us the most tender and
faithful couple that ever was; there is the profession of faith in which I
would die.
"Excuse my scrawl: you must guess more than the half of it,
but I know no help for this. I am obliged to write to you hastily while
everyone is asleep here: but be easy, I take infinite pleasure in my watch;
for I cannot sleep like the others, not being able to sleep as I
would like—that is to say, in your arms.
"I am going to get into bed;
I shall finish my letter tomorrow: I have too many things to tell to you, the
night is too far advanced: imagine my despair. It is to you I am writing, it
is of myself that I converse with you, and I am obliged to make an
end.
"I cannot prevent myself, however, from filling up hastily the rest
of my paper. Cursed be the crazy creature who torments me so much! Were
it not for him, I could talk to you of more agreeable things: he is
not greatly changed; and yet he has taken a great deal o f %t. But he
has nearly killed me with the fetid smell of his breath; for now his
is still worse than your cousin’s: you guess that this is a fresh
reason for my not approaching him; on the contrary, I go away as far as I
can, and sit on a chair at the foot of his bed.
"Let us see if I
forget anything:
"His father's messenger on the road; The
question about Joachim; The−state of my house; The people of my
suite; Subject of my arrival; Joseph; Conversation
between him and me; His desire to please me and his repentance;
The explanation of his letter; Mr. Livingston.
"Ah! I was
forgetting that. Yesterday Livingston during supper told de Rere in a low
voice to drink to the health of one I knew well, and to beg me to do him the
honour. After supper, as I was leaning on his shoulder near the fire, he said
to me, ’Is it not true that there are visits very agreeable for those who pay
them and those who receive them? But, however satisfied they seem with your
arrival, I challenge their delight to equal the grief of one whom you have
left alone to-day, and who will never be content till he sees you again.’ I
asked him of whom he wished to speak to me. He then answered me by pressing
my arm: ’Of one of those who have not followed you; and among those it is
easy for you to guess of whom I want to speak.’
"I have worked till
two o’clock at the bracelet; I have enclosed a little key which is attached
by two strings: it is not as well worked as I should like, but I have not had
time to make it better; I will make you a finer one on the first occasion.
Take care that it is not seen on you; for I have worked at it before
everyone, and it would be recognised to a certainty.
"I always return,
in spite of myself, to the frightful attempt that you advise. You compel me
to concealments, and above all to treacheries that make me shudder; I would
rather die, believe me, than do such things; for it makes my heart bleed. He
does not want to follow me unless I promise him to have the selfsame bed and
board with him as before, and not to abandon him so often. If I consent to
it, he says he will do all I wish, and will follow me everywhere; but he has
begged me to put off my departure for two days. I have pretended to agree to
all he wishes; but I have told him not to speak of our reconciliation to
anyone, for fear it should make some lords uneasy. At last I shall take
him everywhere I wish.... Alas! I have never deceived anyone; but what
would I not do to please you? Command, and whatever happens, I shall obey.
But see yourself if one could not contrive some secret means in the shape
of a remedy. He must purge himself at Craigmiller and take baths there;
he will be some days without going out. So far as I can see, he is
very uneasy; but he has great trust in what I tell him: however,
his confidence does not go so far as to allow him to open his mind to me.
If you like, I will tell him every thing: I can have no pleasure
in deceiving someone who is trusting. However, it will be just as you
wish: do not esteem me the less for that. It is you advised it; never
would vengeance have taken me so far. Sometimes he attacks me in a
very sensitive place, and he touches me to the quick when he tells me
that his crimes are known, but that every day greater ones are committed
that one uselessly attempts to hide, since all crimes, whatsoever they
be, great or small, come to men’s knowledge and form the common subject
of their discourse. He adds sometimes, in speaking to me of Madame de
Rere, ’I wish her services may do you honour.’ He has assured me that
many people thought, and that he thought himself, that I was not my
own mistress; this is doubtless because I had rejected the conditions
he offered me. Finally, it is certain that he is very uneasy about you
know what, and that he even suspects that his life is aimed at. He is
in despair whenever the conversation turns on you, Livingston, and
my brother. However, he says neither good nor ill of absent people; but,
on the contrary, he always avoids speaking of them. His father keeps to
the house: I have not seen him yet. A number of the Hamiltons are here,
and accompany me everywhere; all the friends of the other one follow me
each time I go to see him. He has begged me to be at his rising to-morrow.
My messenger will tell you the rest.
"Burn my letter: there would be
danger in keeping it. Besides, it is hardly worth the trouble, being filled
only with dark thoughts.
"As for you, do not be offended if I am sad and
uneasy to-day, that to please you I rise above honour, remorse, and dangers.
Do not take in bad part what I tell you, and do not listen to the malicious
explanations of your wife’s brother; he is a knave whom you ought not to hear
to the prejudice of the most tender and most faithful mistress that ever
was. Above all, do not allow yourself to be moved by that woman: her
sham tears are nothing in comparison with the real tears that I shed,
and with what love and constancy make me suffer at succeeding her; it is
for that alone that in spite of myself I betray all those who could cross
my love. God have mercy on me, and send you all the prosperity that
a humble and tender friend who awaits from you soon another reward
wishes you. It is very late; but it is always with regret that I lay down
my pen when I write to you; however, I shall not end my letter until
I shall have kissed your hands. Forgive me that it is so
ill-written: perhaps I do so expressly that you may be obliged to re-read it
several times: I have transcribed hastily what I had written down on my
tablets, and my paper has given out. Remember a tender friend, and write to
her often: love me as tenderly as I love you, and
remember:
"Madame de Rere's words; The English; His
mother; The Earl of Argyll; The Earl of Bothwell; The
Edinburgh dwelling."
SECOND LETTER
"It seems that you have
forgotten me during your absence, so much the more that you had promised me,
at setting out, to let me know in detail everything fresh that should happen.
The hope of receiving your news was giving me almost as much delight as your
return could have brought me: you have put it off longer than you promised
me. As for me, although you do not write, I play my part always. I shall take
him to Craigmiller on Monday, and he will spend the whole of Wednesday there.
On that day I shall go to Edinburgh to be bled there, unless you arrange
otherwise at least. He is more cheerful than usual, and he is better than
ever.
"He says everything he can to persuade me that he loves me; he has
a thousand attentions for me, and he anticipates me in everything:
all that is so pleasant for me, that I never go to him but the pain in
my side comes on again, his company weighs on me so much. If Paris
brought me what I asked him, I should be soon cured. If you have not
yet returned when I go you know where, write to me, I beg you, and tell
me what you wish me to do; for if you do not manage things prudently,
I foresee that the whole burden will fall on me: look into everything
and weigh the affair maturely. I send you my letter by Beaton, who will
set out the day which has been assigned to Balfour. It only remains for
me to beg you to inform me of your journey.
"Glasgow, this Saturday
morning."
THIRD LETTER
"I stayed you know where longer than I
should have done, if it had not been to get from him something that the
bearer of these presents will tell you it was a good opportunity for covering
up our designs: I have promised him to bring the person you know to-morrow.
Look after the rest, if you think fit. Alas! I have failed in our agreement,
for you have forbidden me to write to you, or to despatch a messenger to
you. However, I do not intend to offend you: if you knew with what fears I
am agitated, you would not have yourself so many doubts and suspicions.
But I take them in good part, persuaded as I am that they have no
other cause than love—love that I esteem more than anything on
earth.
"My feelings and my favours are to me sure warrants for that love,
and answer to me for your heart; my trust is entire on this head:
but explain yourself, I entreat you, and open your soul to me; otherwise,
I shall fear lest, by the fatality of my star, and by the too
fortunate influence of the stars on women less tender and less faithful than
I, I may be supplanted in your heart as Medea was in Jason’s; not that I
wish to compare you to a lover as unfortunate as Jason, and to
parallel myself with a monster like Medea, although you have enough
influence over me to force me to resemble her each time our love exacts it,
and that it concerns me to keep your heart, which belongs to me, and
which belongs to me only. For I name as belonging to me what I have
purchased with the tender and constant love with which I have burned for you,
a love more alive to-day than ever, and which will end only with my
life; a love, in short, which makes me despise both the dangers and
the remorse which will be perhaps its sad sequel. As the price of
this sacrifice, I ask you but one favour, it is to remember a spot not
far from here: I do not exact that you should keep your promise
to-morrow; but I want to see you to disperse your suspicions. I ask of God
only one thing: it is that He should make you read my heart, which is less
mine than yours, and that He should guard you from every ill, at least
during my life: this life is dear to me only in so far as it pleases you,
and as I please you myself. I am going to bed: adieu; give me your
news to-morrow morning; for I shall be uneasy till I have it. Like a
bird escaped from its cage, or the turtle-dove which has lost her mate,
I shall be alone, weeping your absence, short as it may be. This
letter, happier than I, will go this evening where I cannot go, provided
that the messenger does not find you asleep, as I fear. I have not dared
to write it in the presence of Joseph, of Sebastian, and of Joachim,
who had only just left me when I began it."
Thus, as one sees, and
always supposing these letters to be genuine, Mary had conceived for Bothwell
one of those mad passions, so much the stronger in the women who are a prey
to them, that one the less understands what could have inspired them.
Bothwell was no longer young, Bothwell was not handsome, and yet Mary
sacrificed for him a young husband, who was considered one of the handsomest
men of his century. It was like a kind of enchantment. Darnley, the sole
obstacle to the union, had been already condemned for a long time, if not by
Mary, at least by Bothwell; then, as his strong constitution had conquered
the poison, another kind of death was sought for.
The queen, as she
announces in her letter to Bothwell, had refused to bring back Darnley with
her, and had returned alone to Edinburgh. Arrived there, she gave orders for
the king to be moved, in his turn, in a litter; but instead of taking him to
Stirling or Holyrood, she decided to lodge him in the abbey of the Kirk of
Field. The king made some objections when he knew of this arrangement;
however, as he had no power to oppose it, he contented himself with
complaining of the solitude of the dwelling assigned him; but the queen made
answer that she could not receive him at that moment, either at Holyrood or
at Stirling, for fear, if his illness were infectious, lest he might give it
to his son: Darnley was then obliged to make the best of the abode allotted
him.
It was an isolated abbey, and little calculated by its position
to dissipate the fears that the king entertained; for it was
situated between two ruined churches and two cemeteries: the only house,
which was distant about a shot from a cross-bow, belonged to the
Hamiltons, and as they were Darnley’s mortal enemies the neighbourhood was
none the more reassuring: further, towards the north, rose some wretched
huts, called the "Thieves’ cross-roads". In going round his new
residence, Darnley noticed that three holes, each large enough for a man to
get through, had been made in the walls; he asked that these holes,
through which ill-meaning persons could get in, should be stopped up: it
was promised that masons should be sent; but nothing was done, and the
holes remained open.
The day after his arrival at Kirk of Field, the
king saw a light in that house near his which lie believed deserted; next day
he asked Alexander Durham whence it came, and he heard that the Archbishop of
St. Andrew’s had left his palace in Edinburgh and had housed there since
the preceding evening, one didn’t know why: this news still
further increased the king’s uneasiness; the Archbishop of St. Andrew’s was
one of his most declared enemies.
The king, little by little abandoned
by all his servants lived on the first floor of an isolated pavilion, having
about him only this same Alexander Durham, whom we have mentioned already,
and who was his valet. Darnley, who had quite a special friendship for him,
and who besides, as we have said, feared some attack on his life at every
moment, had made him move his bed into his own apartment, so that both were
sleeping in the same room.
On the night of the 8th February, Darnley
awoke Durham: he thought he heard footsteps in the apartment beneath him.
Durham rose, took a sword in one hand, a taper in the other, and went down to
the ground floor; but although Darnley was quite certain he had not been
deceived, Durham came up again a moment after, saying he had seen no
one.
The morning of the next day passed without bringing anything fresh.
The queen was marrying one of her servants named Sebastian: he was
an Auvergnat whom she had brought with her from France, and whom she
liked very much. However, as the king sent word that he had not seen her
for two days, she left the wedding towards six o’clock in the evening,
and came to pay him a visit, accompanied by the Countess of Argyll and
the Countess of Huntly. While she was there, Durham, in preparing his
bed, set fire to his palliasse, which was burned as well as a part of
the mattress; so that, having thrown them out of the window all in
flames, for fear lest the fire should reach the rest of the furniture, he
found himself without a bed, and asked permission to return to the town
to sleep; but Darnley, who remembered his terror the night before, and
who was surprised at the promptness that had made Durham throw all
his bedding out of the window, begged him not to go away, offering him
one of his mattresses, or even to take him into his own bed. However,
in spite of this offer, Durham insisted, saying that he felt unwell,
and that he should like to see a doctor the same evening. So the
queen interceded for Durham, and promised Darnley to send him another valet
to spend the night with him: Darnley was then obliged to yield, and,
making Mary repeat that she would send him someone, he gave Durham leave
for that evening. At that moment Paris; of whom the queen speaks in
her letters, came in: he was a young Frenchman who had been in Scotland
for some years, and who, after having served with Bothwell and Seyton,
was at present with the queen. Seeing him, she got up, and as Darnley
still wished to keep her—
"Indeed, my lord, it is impossible," said
she, "to come and see you. I have left this poor Sebastian’s wedding, and I
must return to it; for I promised to came masked to his ball."
The
king dared not insist; he only reminded her of the promise that she had made
to send him a servant: Mary renewed it yet once again, and went away with her
attendants. As for Durham, he had set out the moment he received permission. |
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