And so Theramenes was dragged through the Agora, in vehement and loud
tones proclaiming the wrongs that he was suffering. One word, which is
said to have fallen from his lips, I cite. It is this: Satyrus, bade him
"Be silent, or he would rue the day;" to which he made answer, "And if I
be silent, shall I not rue it?" Also, when they brought him the hemlock,
and the time was come to drink the fatal draught, they tell how he
playfully jerked out the dregs from the bottom of the cup, like one who
plays "Cottabos," (22) with the words, "This to the lovely Critias."
These are but "apophthegms" (23) too trivial, it may be thought, to find
a place in history. Yet I must deem it an admirable trait in this man's
character, if at such a moment, when death confronted him, neither his
wits forsook him, nor could the childlike sportiveness vanish from his
soul.
(22) "A Sicilian game much in vogue at the drinking parties of young
men at Athens. The simplest mode was when each threw the wine left
in his cup so as to strike smartly in a metal basin, at the same
time invoking his mistress's name; if all fell into the basin and
the sound was clear, it was a sign he stood well with her."--
Liddell and Scott, sub. v. For the origin of the game compare
curiously enough the first line of the first Elegy of Critias
himself, who was a poet and political philosopher, as well as a
politician:--
"{Kottabos ek Sikeles esti khthonos, euprepes ergon on skopon es latagon
toxa kathistametha.}" Bergk. "Poetae Lyr. Graec." Pars II. xxx.
(23) Or, "these are sayings too slight, perhaps, to deserve record;
yet," etc. By an "apophthegm" was meant originally a terse
(sententious) remark, but the word has somewhat altered in
meaning.
IV
So Theramenes met his death; and, now that this obstacle was removed,
the Thirty, feeling that they had it in their power to play the tyrant
without fear, issued an order forbidding all, whose names were not
on the list, to set foot within the city. Retirement in the country
districts was no protection, thither the prosecutor followed them, and
thence dragged them, that their farms and properties might fall to the
possession of the Thirty and their friends. Even Piraeus was not safe;
of those who sought refuge there, many were driven forth in similar
fashion, until Megara and Thebes overflowed with the crowd of refugees.
Presently Thrasybulus, with about seventy followers, sallied out from
Thebes, and made himself master of the fortress of Phyle. (1) The
weather was brilliant, and the Thirty marched out of the city to repel
the invader; with them were the Three Thousand and the Knights. When
they reached the place, some of the young men, in the foolhardiness of
youth, made a dash at the fortress, but without effect; all they got was
wounds, and so retired. The intention of the Thirty now was to blockade
the place; by shutting off all the avenues of supplies, they thought to
force the garrison to capitulate. But this project was interrupted by
a steady downfall of snow that night and the following day. Baffled
by this all-pervading enemy they beat a retreat to the city, but not
without the sacrifice of many of their camp-followers, who fell a prey
to the men in Phyle. The next anxiety of the government in Athens was to
secure the farms and country houses against the plunderings and forays
to which they would be exposed, if there were no armed force to
protect them. With this object a protecting force was despatched to
the "boundary estates," (2) about two miles south of Phyle. This corps
consisted of the Lacedaemonian guards, or nearly all of them, and two
divisions of horse. (3) They encamped in a wild and broken district, and
the round of their duties commenced.
(1) "A strong fortress (the remains of which still exist) commanding
the narrow pass across Mount Parnes, through which runs the direct
road from Thebes to Athens, past Acharnae. The precipitous rock on
which it stands can only be approached by a ridge on the eastern
side. The height commands a magnificent view of the whole Athenian
plain, of the city itself, of Mount Hymettus, and the Saronic
Gulf,"--"Dict. of Geog., The demi of the Diacria and Mount
Parnes."
(2) Cf. Boeckh, "P. E. A." p. 63, Eng. ed.
(3) Lit. tribes, each of the ten tribes furnishing about one hundred
horse.
But by this time the small garrison above them had increased tenfold,
until there were now something like seven hundred men collected in
Phyle; and with these Thrasybulus one night descended. When he was not
quite half a mile from the enemy's encampment he grounded arms, and a
deep silence was maintained until it drew towards day. In a little while
the men opposite, one by one, were getting to their legs or leaving the
camp for necessary purposes, while a suppressed din and murmur arose,
caused by the grooms currying and combing their horses. This was the
moment for Thrasybulus and his men to snatch up their arms and make a
dash at the enemy's position. Some they felled on the spot; and routing
the whole body, pursued them six or seven furlongs, killing one
hundred and twenty hoplites and more. Of the cavalry, Nicostratus, "the
beautiful," as men called him, and two others besides were slain; they
were caught while still in their beds. Returning from the pursuit,
the victors set up a trophy, got together all the arms they had taken,
besides baggage, and retired again to Phyle. A reinforcement of horse
sent from the city could not discover the vestige of a foe; but waited
on the scene of battle until the bodies of the slain had been picked up
by their relatives, when they withdrew again to the city.
After this the Thirty, who had begun to realise the insecurity of their
position, were anxious to appropriate Eleusis, so that an asylum might
be ready for them against the day of need. With this view an order was
issued to the Knights; and Critias, with the rest of the Thirty, visited
Eleusis. There they held a review of the Eleusians in the presence of
the Knights; (4) and, on the pretext of wishing to discover how many
they were, and how large a garrison they would further require, they
ordered the townsfolk to enter their names. As each man did so he had to
retire by a postern leading to the sea. But on the sea-beach this
side there were lines of cavalry drawn up in waiting, and as each man
appeared he was handcuffed by the satellites of the Thirty. When all
had so been seized and secured, they gave orders to Lysimachus, the
commander of the cavalry, to take them off to the city and deliver them
over to the Eleven. Next day they summoned the heavy armed who were on
the list, and the rest of the Knights (5) to the Odeum, and Critias rose
and addressed them. He said: "Sirs, the constitution, the lines of which
we are laying down, is a work undertaken in your interests no less than
ours; it is incumbent on you therefore to participate in its dangers,
even as you will partake of its honours. We expect you therefore, in
reference to these Eleusians here, who have been seized and secured, to
vote their condemnation, so that our hopes and fears may be identical."
Then, pointing to a particular spot, he said peremptorily, "You will
please deposit your votes there within sight of all." It must be
understood that the Laconian guards were present at the time, and armed
to the teeth, and filling one-half of the Odeum. As to the proceedings
themselves, they found acceptance with those members of the State,
besides the Thirty, who could be satisfied with a simple policy of
self-aggrandisement.
(4) Or, "in the cavalry quarters," cf. {en tois ikhthusin} = in the
fish market. Or, "at the review of the horse."
(5) For the various Odeums at Athens vide Prof. Jebb, "Theophr."
xviii. 235, 236. The one here named was near the fountain
Callirhoe by the Ilissus.
But now Thrasybulus at the head of his followers, by this time about one
thousand strong, descended from Phyle and reached Piraeus in the night.
The Thirty, on their side, informed of this new move, were not slow to
rally to the rescue, with the Laconian guards, supported by their own
cavalry and hoplites. And so they advanced, marching down along the
broad carriage road which leads into Piraeus. The men from Phyle seemed
at first inclined to dispute their passage, but as the wide circuit
of the walls needed a defence beyond the reach of their still scanty
numbers, they fell back in a compact body upon Munychia. (6) Then the
troops from the city poured into the Agora of Hippodmus. (7) Here they
formed in line, stretching along and filling the street which leads to
the temple of Artemis and the Bendideum. (8) This line must have been
at least fifty shields deep; and in this formation they at once began
to march up. As to the men of Phyle, they too blocked the street at the
opposite end, and facing the foe. They presented only a thin line, not
more than ten deep, though behind these, certainly, were ranged a body
of targeteers and light-armed javelin men, who were again supported by
an artillery of stone-throwers--a tolerably numerous division drawn from
the population of the port and district itself. While his antagonists
were still advancing, Thrasybulus gave the order to ground their heavy
shields, and having done so himself, whilst retaining the rest of
his arms, he stood in the midst, and thus addressed them: "Men and
fellow-citizens, I wish to inform some, and to remind others of you,
that of the men you see advancing beneath us there, the right division
are the very men we routed and pursued only five days ago; while on the
extreme left there you see the Thirty. These are the men who have not
spared to rob us of our city, though we did no wrong; who have hounded
us from our homes; who have set the seal of proscription on our dearest
friends. But to-day the wheel of fortune has revolved; that has come
about which least of all they looked for, which most of all we prayed
for. Here we stand with our good swords in our hands, face to face
with our foes; and the gods themselves are with us, seeing that we were
arrested in the midst of our peaceful pursuits; at any moment, whilst
we supped, or slept, or marketed, sentence of banishment was passed upon
us: we had done no wrong--nay, many of us were not even resident in the
country. To-day, therefore, I repeat, the gods do visibly fight upon our
side; the great gods, who raise a tempest even in the midst of calm for
our benefit, and when we lay to our hand to fight, enable our little
company to set up the trophy of victory over the multitude of our foes.
On this day they have brought us hither to a place where the steep
ascent must needs hinder our foes from reaching with lance or arrow
further than our foremost ranks; but we with our volley of spears and
arrows and stones cannot fail to reach them with terrible effect. Had we
been forced to meet them vanguard to vanguard, on an equal footing, who
could have been surprised? But as it is, all I say to you is, let fly
your missiles with a will in right brave style. No one can miss his mark
when the road is full of them. To avoid our darts they must be for ever
ducking and skulking beneath their shields; but we will rain blows upon
them in their blindness; we will leap upon them and lay them low. But,
O sirs! let me call upon you so to bear yourselves that each shall
be conscious to himself that victory was won by him and him alone.
Victory--which, God willing, shall this day restore to us the land of
our fathers, our homes, our freedom, and the rewards of civic life, our
children, if children we have, our darlings, and our wives! Thrice happy
those among us who as conquerors shall look upon this gladdest of all
days. Nor less fortunate the man who falls to-day. Not all the wealth
in the world shall purchase him a monument so glorious. At the right
instant I will strike the keynote of the paean; then, with an invocation
to the God of battle, (9) and in return for the wanton insults they put
upon us, let us with one accord wreak vengeance on yonder men."
(6) The citadel quarter of Piraeus.
(7) Named after the famous architect Hippodamus, who built the town.
It was situated near where the two long walls joined the wall of
Piraeus; a broad street led from it up to the citadel of Munychia.
(8) I.e. the temple of Bendis (the Thracian Artemis). Cf. Plat. "Rep."
327, 354; and Prof. Jowett, "Plato," vol. iii. pp. 193, 226.
(9) Lit. "Enyalius," in Homer an epithet of Ares; at another date (cf.
Aristoph. "Peace," 456) looked upon as a distinct divinity.
Having so spoken, he turned round, facing the foemen, and kept quiet,
for the order passed by the soothsayer enjoined on them, not to
charge before one of their side was slain or wounded. "As soon as that
happens," said the seer, "we will lead you onwards, and the victory
shall be yours; but for myself, if I err not, death is waiting." And
herein he spoke truly, for they had barely resumed their arms when he
himself as though he were driven by some fatal hand, leapt out in front
of the ranks, and so springing into the midst of the foe, was slain,
and lies now buried at the passage of the Cephisus. But the rest were
victorious, and pursued the routed enemy down to the level ground.
There fell in this engagement, out of the number of the Thirty, Critias
himself and Hippomachus, and with them Charmides, (10) the son of
Glaucon, one of the ten archons in Piraeus, and of the rest about
seventy men. The arms of the slain were taken; but, as fellow-citizens,
the conquerors forebore to despoil them of their coats. This being done,
they proceeded to give back the dead under cover of a truce, when the
men, on either side, in numbers stept forward and conversed with one
another. Then Cleocritus (he was the Herald of the Initiated, (11) a
truly "sweet-voiced herald," if ever there was), caused a deep
silence to reign, and addressed their late combatants as follows:
"Fellow-citizens--Why do you drive us forth? why would you slay us?
what evil have we wrought you at any time? or is it a crime that we
have shared with you in the most solemn rites and sacrifices, and in
festivals of the fairest: we have been companions in the chorus, the
school, the army. We have braved a thousand dangers with you by land and
sea in behalf of our common safety, our common liberty. By the gods
of our fathers, by the gods of our mothers, by the hallowed names of
kinship, intermarriage, comradeship, those three bonds which knit the
hearts of so many of us, bow in reverence before God and man, and
cease to sin against the land of our fathers: cease to obey these most
unhallowed Thirty, who for the sake of private gain have in eight months
slain almost more men than the Peloponnesians together in ten years of
warfare. See, we have it in our power to live as citizens in peace; it
is only these men, who lay upon us this most foul burthen, this hideous
horror of fratricidal war, loathed of God and man. Ah! be well assured,
for these men slain by our hands this day, ye are not the sole mourners.
There are among them some whose deaths have wrung from us also many a
bitter tear."
(10) He was cousin to Critias, and uncle by the mother's side to
Plato, who introduces him in the dialogue, which bears his name
(and treats of Temperance), as a very young man at the beginning
of the Peloponnesian War. We hear more of him also from Xenophon
himself in the "Memorabilia," iii. 6. 7; and as one of the
interlocutors in the "Symposium."
(11) I.e. of the Eleusinian mysteries. He had not only a loud voice,
but a big body. Cf. Aristoph. "Frogs," 1237.
So he spoke, but the officers and leaders of the defeated army who were
left, unwilling that their troops should listen to such topics at that
moment, led them back to the city. But the next day the Thirty, in deep
down-heartedness and desolation, sat in the council chamber. The Three
Thousand, wherever their several divisions were posted, were everywhere
a prey to discord. Those who were implicated in deeds of violence, and
whose fears could not sleep, protested hotly that to yield to the party
in Piraeus were preposterous. Those on the other hand who had faith in
their own innocence, argued in their own minds, and tried to convince
their neighbours that they could well dispense with most of their
present evils. "Why yield obedience to these Thirty?" they asked, "Why
assign to them the privilege of destroying the State?" In the end they
voted a resolution to depose the government, and to elect another. This
was a board of ten, elected one from each tribe.
B.C. 403. As to the Thirty, they retired to Eleusis; but the Ten,
assisted by the cavalry officers, had enough to do to keep watch over
the men in the city, whose anarchy and mutual distrust were rampant. The
Knights did not return to quarters at night, but slept out in the Odeum,
keeping their horses and shields close beside them; indeed the distrust
was so great that from evening onwards they patrolled the walls on foot
with their shields, and at break of day mounted their horses, at every
moment fearing some sudden attack upon them by the men in Piraeus. These
latter were now so numerous, and of so mixed a company, that it was
difficult to find arms for all. Some had to be content with shields of
wood, others of wicker-work, which they spent their time in coating with
whitening. Before ten days had elapsed guarantees were given, securing
full citizenship, with equality of taxation and tribute to all,
even foreigners, who would take part in the fighting. Thus they were
presently able to take the field, with large detachments both of heavy
infantry and light-armed troops, besides a division of cavalry, about
seventy in number. Their system was to push forward foraging parties in
quest of wood and fruits, returning at nightfall to Piraeus. Of the city
party no one ventured to take the field under arms; only, from time to
time, the cavalry would capture stray pillagers from Piraeus or inflict
some damage on the main body of their opponents. Once they fell in with
a party belonging to the deme Aexone, (12) marching to their own farms
in search of provisions. These, in spite of many prayers for mercy
and the strong disapprobation of many of the knights, were ruthlessly
slaughtered by Lysimachus, the general of cavalry. The men of Piraeus
retaliated by putting to death a horseman, named Callistratus, of the
tribe Leontis, whom they captured in the country. Indeed their courage
ran so high at present that they even meditated an assault upon the city
walls. And here perhaps the reader will pardon the record of a somewhat
ingenious device on the part of the city engineer, who, aware of the
enemy's intention to advance his batteries along the racecourse, which
slopes from the Lyceum, had all the carts and waggons which were to be
found laden with blocks of stone, each one a cartload in itself, and
so sent them to deposit their freights "pele-mele" on the course in
question. The annoyance created by these separate blocks of stone
was enormous, and quite out of proportion to the simplicity of the
contrivance.
(12) On the coast south of Phalerum, celebrated for its fisheries. Cf.
"Athen." vii. 325.
But it was to Lacedaemon that men's eyes now turned. The Thirty
despatched one set of ambassadors from Eleusis, while another set
representing the government of the city, that is to say the men on the
list, was despatched to summon the Lacedaemonians to their aid, on the
plea that the people had revolted from Sparta. At Sparta, Lysander,
taking into account the possibility of speedily reducing the party in
Piraeus by blockading them by land and sea, and so cutting them off from
all supplies, supported the application, and negotiated the loan of
one hundred talents (13) to his clients, backed by the appointment of
himself as harmost on land, and of his brother, Libys, as admiral of
the fleet. And so proceeding to the scene of action at Eleusis, he got
together a large body of Peloponnesian hoplites, whilst his brother,
the admiral, kept watch and ward by sea to prevent the importation of
supplies into Piraeus by water. Thus the men in Piraeus were soon again
reduced to their former helplessness, while the ardour of the city folk
rose to a proportionally high pitch under the auspices of Lysander.
(13) 24,375 pounds, reckoning one tal. = 243 pounds 15 shillings.
Things were progressing after this sort when King Pausanias intervened.
Touched by a certain envy of Lysander--(who seemed, by a final stroke of
achievement, about to reach the pinnacle of popularity, with Athens laid
like a pocket dependency at his feet)--the king persuaded three of
the ephors to support him, and forthwith called out the ban. With him
marched contingents of all the allied States, except the Boeotians and
Corinthians. These maintained, that to undertake such an expedition
against the Athenians, in whose conduct they saw nothing contrary to the
treaty, was inconsistent with their oaths. But if that was the language
held by them, the secret of their behaviour lay deeper; they seemed to
be aware of a desire on the part of the Lacedaemonians to annex the
soil of the Athenians and to reduce the state to vassalage. Pausanias
encamped on the Halipedon, (14) as the sandy flat is called, with his
right wing resting on Piraeus, and Lysander and his mercenaries forming
the left. His first act was to send an embassage to the party in
Piraeus, calling upon them to retire peacably to their homes; when they
refused to obey, he made, as far as mere noise went, the semblance of an
attack, with sufficient show of fight to prevent his kindly disposition
being too apparent. But gaining nothing by the feint, he was forced to
retire. Next day he took two Laconian regiments, with three tribes of
Athenian horse, and crossed over to the Mute (15) Harbour, examining the
lie of the ground to discover how and where it would be easiest to draw
lines of circumvallation round Piraeus. As he turned his back to retire,
a party of the enemy sallied out and caused him annoyance. Nettled at
the liberty, he ordered the cavalry to charge at the gallop, supported
by the ten-year-service (16) infantry, whilst he himself, with the rest
of the troops, followed close, holding quietly back in reserve. They cut
down about thirty of the enemy's light troops and pursued the rest hotly
to the theatre in Piraeus. Here, as chance would have it, the whole
light and heavy infantry of the Piraeus men were getting under arms;
and in an instant their light troops rushed out and dashed at the
assailants; thick and fast flew missiles of all sorts--javelins, arrows
and sling stones. The Lacedaemonians finding the number of their wounded
increasing every minute, and sorely called, slowly fell back step by
step, eyeing their opponents. These meanwhile resolutely pressed on.
Here fell Chaeron and Thibrachus, both polemarchs, here also Lacrates,
an Olympic victor, and other Lacedaemonians, all of whom now lie
entombed before the city gates in the Ceramicus. (17)
(14) The Halipedon is the long stretch of flat sandy land between
Piraeus Phalerum and the city.
(15) Perhaps the landlocked creek just round the promontory of
Eetioneia, as Leake conjectures, "Topog. of Athens," p. 389. See
also Prof. Jowett's note, "Thuc." v. 2; vol. ii. p. 286.
(16) I.e. who had already seen ten years of service, i.e. over twenty-
eight, as the Spartan was eligible to serve at eighteen. Cf. Xen.
"Hell." III. iv. 23; VI. iv. 176.
(17) The outer Ceramicus, "the most beautiful spot outside the walls."
Cf. Thuc. ii. 34; through it passes the street of the tombs on the
sacred road; and here was the place of burial for all persons
honoured with a public funeral. Cf. Arist. "Birds," 395.
Watching how matters went, Thrasybulus began his advance with the whole
of his heavy infantry to support his light troops and quickly fell
into line eight deep, acting as a screen to the rest of his troops.
Pausanias, on his side, had retired, sorely pressed, about half a
mile towards a bit of rising ground, where he sent orders to the
Lacedaemonians and the other allied troops to bring up reinforcements.
Here, on this slope, he reformed his troops, giving his phalanx the
full depth, and advanced against the Athenians, who did not hesitate
to receive him at close quarters, but presently had to give way; one
portion being forced into the mud and clay at Halae, (18) while the
others wavered and broke their line; one hundred and fifty of them were
left dead on the field, whereupon Pausanias set up a trophy and retired.
Not even so, were his feelings embittered against his adversary. On the
contrary he sent secretly and instructed the men of Piraeus, what sort
of terms they should propose to himself and the ephors in attendance.
To this advice they listened. He also fostered a division in the party
within the city. A deputation, acting on his orders, sought an audience
of him and the ephors. It had all the appearance of a mass meeting. In
approaching the Spartan authorities, they had no desire or occasion,
they stated, to look upon the men of Piraeus as enemies, they would
prefer a general reconciliation and the friendship of both sides with
Lacedaemon. The propositions were favourably received, and by no less a
person than Nauclidas. He was present as ephor, in accordance with the
custom which obliges two members of that board to serve on all military
expeditions with the king, and with his colleague shared the political
views represented by Pausanias, rather than those of Lysander and his
party. Thus the authorities were quite ready to despatch to Lacedaemon
the representatives of Piraeus, carrying their terms of truce with the
Lacedaemonians, as also two private individuals belonging to the city
party, whose names were Cephisophon and Meletus. This double deputation,
however, had no sooner set out to Lacedaemon than the "de facto"
government of the city followed suit, by sending a third set of
representatives to state on their behalf: that they were prepared to
deliver up themselves and the fortifications in their possession to
the Lacedaemonians, to do with them what they liked. "Are the men of
Piraeus," they asked, "prepared to surrender Piraeus and Munychia in
the same way? If they are sincere in their profession of friendship to
Lacedaemon, they ought to do so." The ephors and the members of assembly
at Sparta (19) gave audience to these several parties, and sent
out fifteen commissioners to Athens empowered, in conjunction with
Pausanias, to discover the best settlement possible. The terms (20)
arrived at were that a general peace between the rival parties should be
established, liberty to return to their own homes being granted to all,
with the exception of the Thirty, the Eleven, and the Ten who had been
governors in Piraeus; but a proviso was added, enabling any of the city
party who feared to remain at Athens to find a home in Eleusis.
(18) Halae, the salt marshy ground immediately behind the great
harbour of Piraeus, but outside the fortification lines.
(19) Cf. "Hell." VI. iii. 3, {oi ekkletoi}.
(20) Cf. Prof. Jebb, "Orators," i. 262, note 2.
And now that everything was happily concluded, Pausanias disbanded his
army, and the men from Piraeus marched up under arms into the acropolis
and offered sacrifice to Athena. When they were come down, the generals
called a meeting of the Ecclesia, (21) and Thrasybulus made a speech in
which, addressing the city party, he said: "Men of the city! I have one
piece of advice I would tender to you; it is that you should learn to
know yourselves, and towards the attainment of that self-knowledge I
would have you make a careful computation of your good qualities and
satisfy yourselves on the strength of which of these it is that you
claim to rule over us. Is it that you are more just than ourselves? Yet
the people, who are poorer--have never wronged you for the purposes of
plunder; but you, whose wealth would outweight the whole of ours, have
wrought many a shameful deed for the sake of gain. If, then, you have
no monopoly of justice, can it be on the score of courage that you are
warranted to hold your heads so high? If so, what fairer test of courage
will you propose than the arbitrament of war--the war just ended? Or do
you claim superiority of intelligence?--you, who with all your wealth of
arms and walls, money and Peloponnesian allies, have been paralysed by
men who had none of these things to aid them! Or is it on these Laconian
friends of yours that you pride yourselves? What! when these same
friends have dealt by you as men deal by vicious dogs. You know how that
is. They put a heavy collar round the neck of the brutes and hand them
over muzzled to their masters. So too have the Lacedaemonians handed you
over to the people, this very people whom you have injured; and now they
have turned their backs and are gone. But" (turning to the mass) "do
not misconceive me. It is not for me, sirs, coldly to beg of you, in no
respect to violate your solemn undertakings. I go further; I beg you,
to crown your list of exploits by one final display of virtue. Show
the world that you can be faithful to your oaths, and flawless in your
conduct." By these and other kindred arguments he impressed upon them
that there was no need for anarchy or disorder, seeing that there were
the ancient laws ready for use. And so he broke up (22) the assembly.
(21) I.e. the Public Assembly, see above; and reading with Sauppe
after Cobet {ekklesian epoiesan}, which words are supposed to have
dropt out of the MSS. Or, keeping to the MSS., translate "When the
generals were come down, Thrasybulus," etc. See next note.
(22) The Greek words are {antestese ten ekklesian} (an odd phrase for
the more technical {eluse} or {dieluse ten ekklesian}). Or,
accepting the MSS. reading above (see last note), translate "he
set up (i.e. restored) the Assembly." So Mr. J. G. Philpotts, Mr.
Herbert Hailstone, and others.
At this auspicious moment, then, they reappointed the several
magistrates; the constitution began to work afresh, and civic life was
recommenced. At a subsequent period, on receiving information that the
party at Eleusis were collecting a body of mercenaries, they marched out
with their whole force against them, and put to death their generals,
who came out to parley. These removed, they introduced to the others
their friends and connections, and so persuaded them to come to terms
and be reconciled. The oath they bound themselves by consisted of a
simple asseveration: "We will remember past offences no more;" and to
this day (23) the two parties live amicably together as good citizens,
and the democracy is steadfast to its oaths.
(23) It would be interesting to know the date at which the author
penned these words. Was this portion of the "Hellenica" written
before the expedition of Cyrus? i.e. in the interval between the
formal restoration of the Democracy, September B.C. 403, and March
B.C. 401. The remaining books of the "Hellenica" were clearly
written after that expedition, since reference is made to it quite
early in Bk. III. i. 2. Practically, then, the first volume of
Xenophon's "History of Hellenic Affairs" ends here. This history
is resumed in Bk. III. i. 3. after the Cyreian expedition (of
which episode we have a detailed account in the "Anabasis" from
March B.C. 401 down to March B.C. 399, when the remnant of the Ten
Thousand was handed over to the Spartan general Thibron in Asia).
Some incidents belonging to B.C. 402 are referred to in the
opening paragraphs of "Hellenica," III. i. 1, 2, but only as an
introduction to the new matter; and with regard to the historian
himself, it is clear that "a change has come o'er the spirit of
his dream." This change of view is marked by a change of style in
writing. I have thought it legitimate, under the circumstances, to
follow the chronological order of events, and instead of
continuing the "Hellenica," at this point to insert the
"Anabasis." My next volume will contain the remaining books of the
"Hellenica" and the rest of Xenophon's "historical" writings.
BOOK III
I
B.C. 403-402. Thus the civil strife at Athens had an end. At a
subsequent date Cyrus sent messengers to Lacedaemon, claiming requital
in kind for the service which he had lately rendered in the war with
Athens. (1) The demand seemed to the ephorate just and reasonable.
Accordingly they ordered Samius, (2) who was admiral at the time, to
put himself at the disposition of Cyrus for any service which he might
require. Samius himself needed no persuasion to carry out the wishes of
Cyrus. With his own fleet, accompanied by that of Cyrus, he sailed round
to Cilicia, and so made it impossible for Syennesis, the ruler of that
province, to oppose Cyrus by land in his advance against the king his
brother.
(1) Lit. "what Cyrus himself had been to the Lacedaemonians let the
Lacedaemonians in their turn be to Cyrus."
(2) Samius (Diod. Sic. xiv. 19). But see "Anab." I. iv. 2, where
Pythagoras is named as admiral. Possibly the one officer succeeded
the other.
B.C. 401. The particulars of the expedition are to be found in the pages
of the Syracusan Themistogenes, (3) who describes the mustering of the
armament, and the advance of Cyrus at the head of his troops; and then
the battle, and death of Cyrus himself, and the consequent retreat of
the Hellenes while effecting their escape to the sea. (4)
(3) Lit. "as to how then Cyrus collected an army and with it went up
against his brother, and how the battle was fought and how he
died, and how in the sequel the Hellenes escaped to the sea (all
this), is written by (or 'for,' or 'in honour of') Themistogenes
the Syracusan." My impression is that Xenophon's "Anabasis," or a
portion of the work so named, was edited originally by
Themistogenes. See "Philol. Museum," vol. i. p. 489; L. Dindorf,
{Xen. Ell.}, Ox. MDCCCLIII., node ad loc. {Themistogenei}. Cf.
Diod. Sic. xiv. 19-31, 37, after Ephorus and Theopompus probably.
(4) At Trapezus, March 10, B.C. 400.
B.C. 400. It was in recognition of the service which he had rendered in
this affair, that Tissaphernes was despatched to Lower Asia by the king
his master. He came as satrap, not only of his own provinces, but of
those which had belonged to Cyrus; and he at once demanded the absolute
submission of the Ionic cities, without exception, to his authority.
These communities, partly from a desire to maintain their freedom, and
partly from fear of Tissaphernes himself, whom they had rejected in
favour of Cyrus during the lifetime of that prince, were loth to admit
the satrap within their gates. They thought it better to send an embassy
to the Lacedaemonians, calling upon them as representatives and leaders
(5) of the Hellenic world to look to the interests of their petitioners,
who were Hellenes also, albeit they lived in Asia, and not to suffer
their country to be ravaged and themselves enslaved.
(5) {Prostatai}, "patrons and protectors."
In answer to this appeal, the Lacedaemonians sent out Thibron (6)
as governor, providing him with a body of troops, consisting of one
thousand neodamodes (7) (i.e. enfranchised helots) and four thousand
Peloponnesians. In addition to these, Thibron himself applied to
the Athenians for a detachment of three hundred horse, for whose
service-money he would hold himself responsible. The Athenians in
answer sent him some of the knights who had served under the Thirty,
(8) thinking that the people of Athens would be well rid of them if they
went abroad and perished there.
(6) "As harmost." See "Anab." ad fin.
(7) See "Hell." I. iii. 15; Thuc. vii. 58.
(8) See "Hell." II. iv. 2.
B.C. 400-399. On their arrival in Asia, Thibron further collected
contingents from the Hellenic cities on the continent; for at this time
the word of a Lacedaemonian was law. He had only to command, and every
city must needs obey. (9) But although he had this armament, Thibron,
when he saw the cavalry, had no mind to descend into the plain. If he
succeeded in protecting from pillage the particular district in which
he chanced to be, he was quite content. It was only when the troops (10)
who had taken part in the expedition of Cyrus had joined him on their
safe return, that he assumed a bolder attitude. He was now ready to
confront Tissaphernes, army against army, on the level ground, and won
over a number of cities. Pergamum came in of her own accord. So did
Teuthrania and Halisarna. These were under the government of Eurysthenes
and Procles, (11) the descendants of Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, who
in days of old had received this territory as a gift from the Persian
monarch in return for his share in the campaign against Hellas. Gorgion
and Gongylus, two brothers, also gave in their adhesion; they were
lords, the one of Gambreum and Palae-Gambreum, the other of Myrina and
Gryneum, four cities which, like those above named, had originally
been gifts from the king to an earlier Gongylus--the sole Eretrian who
"joined the Mede," and in consequence was banished. Other cities which
were too weak to resist, Thibron took by force of arms. In the case of
one he was not so successful. This was the Egyptian (12) Larisa, as it
is called, which refused to capitulate, and was forthwith invested and
subjected to a regular siege. When all other attempts to take it failed,
he set about digging a tank or reservoir, and in connection with the
tank an underground channel, by means of which he proposed to draw off
the water supply of the inhabitants. In this he was baffled by frequent
sallies of the besieged, and a continual discharge of timber and stones
into the cutting. He retaliated by the construction of a wooden tortoise
which he erected over the tank; but once more the tortoise was burnt to
a cinder in a successful night attack on the part of the men of Larisa.
These ineffectual efforts induced the ephors to send a despatch bidding
Thibron give up Larisa and march upon Caria.
(9) See "Anab." VI. vi. 12.
(10) March B.C. 399. See the final sentence of the "Anabasis."
(11) See "Anab." VII. viii. 8-16.
(12) Seventy stades S.E. of Cyme in the Aeolid. See Strabo, xiii. 621.
For the origin of the name cf. "Cyrop." VII. i. 45.
He had already reached Ephesus, and was on the point of marching into
Caria, when Dercylidas arrived to take command of his army. The new
general was a man whose genius for invention had won him the nickname of
Sisyphus. Thus it was that Thibron returned home, where on his arrival
he was fined and banished, the allies accusing him of allowing his
troops to plunder their friends.
Dercylidas was not slow to perceive and turn to account the jealousy
which subsisted between Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. Coming to
terms with the former, he marched into the territory of the latter,
preferring, as he said, to be at war with one of the pair at a time,
rather than the two together. His hostility, indeed, to Pharnabazus was
an old story, dating back to a period during the naval command (13)
of Lysander, when he was himself governor in Abydos; where, thanks to
Pharnabazus, he had got into trouble with his superior officer, and had
been made to stand "with his shield on his arm"--a stigma on his honour
which no true Lacedaemonian would forgive, since this is the punishment
of insubordination. (14) For this reason, doubtless, Dercylidas had the
greater satisfaction in marching against Pharnabazus. From the moment he
assumed command there was a marked difference for the better between his
methods and those of his predecessor. Thus he contrived to conduct his
troops into that portion of the Aeolid which belonged to Pharnabazus,
through the heart of friendly territory without injury to the allies.
(13) Technically "navarchy," in B.C. 408-407. "Hell." I. v. 1.
(14) See Plut. "Aristid." 23 (Clough, ii. p. 309).
This district of Aeolis belonged to Pharnabazus, (15) but had been held
as a satrapy under him by a Dardanian named Zenis whilst he was alive;
but when Zenis fell sick and died, Pharnabazus made preparation to give
the satrapy to another. Then Mania the wife of Zenis, herself also a
Dardanian, fitted out an expedition, and taking with her gifts wherewith
to make a present to Pharnabazus himself, and to gratify his concubines
and those whose power was greatest with Pharnabazus, set forth on her
journey. When she had obtained audience with him she spoke as follows:
"O Pharnabazus, thou knowest that thy servant my husband was in all
respects friendly to thee; moreover, he paid my lord the tributes which
were thy due, so that thou didst praise and honour him. Now therefore,
if I do thee service as faithfully as my husband, why needest thou to
appoint another satrap?--nay but, if in any matter I please thee not, is
it not in thy power to take from me the government on that day, and to
give it to another?" When he had heard her words, Pharnabazus decided
that the woman ought to be satrap. She, as soon as she was mistress of
the territory, never ceased to render the tribute in due season, even
as her husband before her had done. Moreover, whenever she came to the
court of Pharnabazus she brought him gifts continually, and whenever
Pharnabazus went down to visit her provinces she welcomed him with all
fair and courteous entertainment beyond what his other viceroys were
wont to do. The cities also which had been left to her by her husband,
she guarded safely for him; while of those cities that owed her no
allegiance, she acquired, on the seaboard, Larisa and Hamaxitus and
Colonae--attacking their walls by aid of Hellenic mercenaries, whilst
she herself sat in her carriage and watched the spectacle. Nor was
she sparing of her gifts to those who won her admiration; and thus she
furnished herself with a mercenary force of exceptional splendour. She
also went with Pharnabazus on his campaigns, even when, on pretext of
some injury done to the king's territory, Mysians or Pisidians were the
object of attack. In requital, Pharnabazus paid her magnificent honour,
and at times invited her to assist him with her counsel. (16)
(15) I.e. as suzerain.
(16) Grote, "H. G." ix. 292; cf. Herod. viii. 69.
Now when Mania was more than forty years old, the husband of her own
daughter, Meidias--flustered by the suggestions of certain people who
said that it was monstrous a woman should rule and he remain a private
person (17)--found his way into her presence, as the story goes, and
strangled her. For Mania, albeit she carefully guarded herself against
all ordinary comers, as behoved her in the exercise of her "tyranny,"
trusted in Meidias, and, as a woman might her own son-in-law, was ready
to greet him at all times with open arms. He also murdered her son, a
youth of marvellous beauty, who was about seventeen years of age. He
next seized upon the strong cities of Scepsis and Gergithes, in which
lay for the most part the property and wealth of Mania. As for the
other cities of the satrapy, they would not receive the usurper, their
garrisons keeping them safely for Pharnabazus. Thereupon Meidias sent
gifts to Pharnabazus, and claimed to hold the district even as Mania
had held it; to whom the other answered, "Keep your gifts and guard them
safely until that day when I shall come in person and take both you
and them together"; adding, "What care I to live longer if I avenge not
myself for the murder of Mania!"
(17) Or, "his brains whimsied with insinuations."
Just at the critical moment Dercylidas arrived, and in a single day
received the adhesion of the three seaboard cities Larisa, Hamaxitus,
and Colonae--which threw open their gates to him. Then he sent
messengers to the cities of the Aeolid also, offering them freedom if
they would receive him within their walls and become allies. Accordingly
the men of Neandria and Ilium and Cocylium lent willing ears; for since
the death of Mania their Hellenic garrisons had been treated but ill.
But the commander of the garrison in Cebrene, a place of some strength,
bethinking him that if he should succeed in guarding that city for
Pharnabazus, he would receive honour at his hands, refused to admit
Dercylidas. Whereupon the latter, in a rage, prepared to take the place
by force; but when he came to sacrifice, on the first day the victims
would not yield good omens; on the second, and again upon the third day,
it was the same story. Thus for as many as four days he persevered in
sacrificing, cherishing wrath the while--for he was in haste to become
master of the whole Aeolid before Pharnabazus came to the succour of the
district.
Meanwhile a certain Sicyonian captain, Athenadas by name, said to
himself: "Dercylidas does but trifle to waste his time here, whilst
I with my own hand can draw off their water from the men of Cybrene";
wherewith he ran forward with his division and essayed to choke up the
spring which supplied the city. But the garrison sallied out and covered
the Sicyonian himself with wounds, besides killing two of his men.
Indeed, they plied their swords and missiles with such good effect that
the whole company was forced to beat a retreat. Dercylidas was not a
little annoyed, thinking that now the spirit of the besiegers would
certainly die away; but whilst he was in this mood, behold! there
arrived from the beleaguered fortress emissaries of the Hellenes, who
stated that the action taken by the commandant was not to their taste;
for themselves, they would far rather be joined in bonds of fellowship
with Hellenes than with barbarians. While the matter was still under
discussion there came a messenger also from the commandant, to say that
whatever the former deputation had proposed he, on his side, was ready
to endorse. Accordingly Dercylidas, who, it so happened, had at length
obtained favourable omens on that day, marched his force without more
ado up to the gates of the city, which were flung open by those
within; and so he entered. (18) Here, then, he was content to appoint a
garrison, and without further stay advanced upon Scepsis and Gergithes.
(18) Grote ("H. G." ix. 294) says: "The reader will remark how
Xenophon shapes the narrative in such a manner as to inculcate the
pious duty in a general of obeying the warnings furnished by the
sacrifice--either for action or for inaction.... Such an
inference is never (I believe) to be found suggested in
Thucydides." See Brietenbach, "Xen. Hell." I et II, praef. in
alteram ed. p. xvii.
And now Meidias, partly expecting the hostile advance of Pharnabazus,
and partly mistrusting the citizens--for to such a pass things had
come--sent to Dercylidas, proposing to meet him in conference provided
he might take security of hostages. In answer to this suggestion the
other sent him one man from each of the cities of the allies, and bade
him take his pick of these, whichsoever and how many soever he chose, as
hostages for his own security. Meidias selected ten, and so went out. In
conversation with Dercylidas, he asked him on what terms he would accept
his alliance. The other answered: "The terms are that you grant the
citizens freedom and self-government." The words were scarcely out of
his mouth before he began marching upon Scepsis. Whereupon Meidias,
perceiving it was vain to hinder him in the teeth of the citizens,
suffered him to enter. That done, Dercylidas offered sacrifice to Athena
in the citadel of the Scepsians, turned out the bodyguards of Meidias,
and handed over the city to the citizens. And so, having admonished them
to regulate their civic life as Hellenes and free men ought, he left the
place and continued his advance against Gergithes. On this last march
he was escorted by many of the Scepsians themselves; such was the honour
they paid him and so great their satisfaction at his exploits. Meidias
also followed close at his side, petitioning that he would hand over the
city of Gergithians to himself. To whom Dercylidas only made reply,
that he should not fail to obtain any of his just rights. And whilst the
words were yet upon his lips, he was drawing close to the gates, with
Meidias at his side. Behind him followed the troops, marching two
and two in peaceful fashion. The defenders of Gergithes from their
towers--which were extraordinarily high--espied Meidias in company of
the Spartan, and abstained from shooting. And Dercylidas said: "Bid them
open the gates, Meidias, when you shall lead the way, and I will enter
the temple along with you and do sacrifice to Athena." And Meidias,
though he shrank from opening the gates, yet in terror of finding
himself on a sudden seized, reluctantly gave the order to open the
gates. As soon as he was entered in, the Spartan, still taking Meidias
with him, marched up to the citadel and there ordered the main body of
his soldiers to take up their position round the walls, whilst he with
those about him did sacrifice to Athena. When the sacrifice was ended he
ordered Meidias's bodyguard to pile arms (19) in the van of his troops.
Here for the future they would serve as mercenaries, since Meidias their
former master stood no longer in need of their protection. The latter,
being at his wits' end what to do, exclaimed: "Look you, I will now
leave you; I go to make preparation for my guest." But the other
replied: "Heaven forbid! Ill were it that I who have offered sacrifice
should be treated as a guest by you. I rather should be the entertainer
and you the guest. Pray stay with us, and while the supper is preparing,
you and I can consider our obligations, and perform them."
(19) I.e. take up a position, or "to order arms," whilst he addressed
them; not probably "to ground arms," as if likely to be mutinous. |
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