Believing, men of Athens, that the subject of your consultation
is serious and momentous to the state, I will endeavor to advise what
I think important. Many have been the faults, accumulated for some
time past, which have brought us to this wretched condition; but none
is under the circumstances so distressing as this, men of Athens; that
your minds are alienated from public business; you are attentive just
while you sit listening to some news, afterward you all go away, and, so
far from caring for what you heard, you forget it altogether.
Well; of
the extent of Philip's arrogance and ambition, as evinced in his dealings
with every people, you have been informed. That it is not possible to
restrain him in such course by speeches and harangues, no man can be
ignorant: or, if other reasons fail to convince you, reflect on this.
Whenever we have had to discuss our claims, on no occasion have we been
worsted or judged in the wrong; we have still beaten and got the better of
all in argument. But do his affairs go badly on this account, or ours well?
By no means. For as Philip immediately proceeds, with arms in his hand, to
put all he possesses boldly at stake, while we with our equities, the
speakers as well as the hearers, are sitting still, actions (naturally
enough) outstrip words, and people attend not to what we have argued or may
argue, but to what we do, All our doings are not likely to protect any of our
injured neighbors: I need not say more upon the subject. Therefore, as the
states are divided into two parties, one that would neither hold arbitrary
government nor submit to it, but live under free and equal laws; another
desiring to govern their fellow-citizens, and be subject to some third power,
by whose assistance they hope to accomplish that object; the partisans of
Philip, [Footnote: I agree with Pabst and Auger that [Greek: _ekeinon_]
signifies Philip. Schaefer takes it neutrally.] who desire tyranny and
despotism, have every where prevailed, and I know not whether there is any
state left, besides our own, with a popular constitution firmly
established. And those, that hold the government through him, have prevailed
by all the means efficacious in worldly affairs; principally and mainly,
by having a person to bribe the corruptible; secondly, a point no
less important, by having at their command, at whatever season they
required, an army to put down their opponents. We, men of Athens, are not
only in these respects behindhand; we can not even be awaked; like men that
have drunk mandrake [Footnote: Used for a powerful opiate by the ancients.
It is called Mandragora also in English. See Othello, Act III. Sc.
3.
Not poppy, nor mandragora, Nor all the drowsy
sirups of the world, Shall ever medicine thee to that sweet
sleep Which thou ow'dst yesterday.]
or some other sleeping potion;
and methinks--for I judge the truth must be spoken--we are by reason thereof
held in such disrepute and contempt, that, among the states in imminent
danger, some dispute with us for the lead, some for the place of congress;
others have resolved to defend themselves separately rather than in union
with us.
Why am I so particular in mentioning these things? I seek not to
give offense; so help me all the powers of heaven! I wish, men of Athens,
to make it clear and manifest to you all, that habitual sloth
and indolence, the same in public matters as in private life, is
not immediately felt on every occasion of neglect, but shows itself in
the general result. [Footnote: Auger: "presentent a la fin un
total effrayant."] Look at Serrium and Doriscus; which were first
disregarded after the peace. Their names perhaps are unknown to many of you:
yet your careless abandonment of these lost Thrace and Cersobleptes
your ally. Again, seeing these places neglected and unsupported by you,
he demolished Porthmus, and raised a tyrant in Euboea like a
fortress against Attica. This being disregarded, Megara was very nearly
taken. You were insensible, indifferent to all his aggressions; gave
no intimation that you would not permit their continuance. He
purchased Antrones, [Footnote: A town in Thessaly. We do not know all the
details of Philip's proceedings in that country, but we have seen enough
to know, first under the guise of a protector he was not far short of
being the master of the Thessalian people. Some of these towns were
actually in his possession, as Pherae and Pagasae. But that the Thesssalians
were never entirely subjugated to Macedonia, and still retained a
hankering after independence, was proved at a later period by their desertion
of Antipater.] and not long after had got Oreus into his power.
Many transactions I omit; Pherae, the march against Ambracia, the
massacres at Elis, [Footnote: The Elean exiles, having engaged in their
service a body of the Phocian mercenaries, made an incursion into Elis, but
were repelled. A large number of prisoners were taken and put to death.
This happened B. C. 343. The government of Elis was at that time in the
hands of a Macedonian party.] and numberless others: for I have not
entered upon these details, to enumerate the people whom Philip has
oppressed and wronged, but to show you that Philip will not desist from
wronging all people and pursuing his conquests, until an effort is made
to prevent him.
There are persons whose custom it is, before they hear
any speech in the debate, to ask immediately--"What must we do?"--not with
the intention of doing what they are told (or they would be the most
serviceable of men), but in order to get rid of the speaker. Nevertheless,
you should be advised what to do. First, O my countrymen, you must be
firmly convinced in your minds, that Philip is at war with our state, and
has broken the peace; that, while he is inimical and hostile to the whole
of Athens, to the ground of Athens, and I may add, to the gods in
Athens, (may they exterminate him!) there is nothing which he strives and
plots against so much as our constitution, nothing in the world that he is
so anxious about, as its destruction. And thereunto he is driven in
some sort by necessity. Consider. He wishes for empire: he believes you to
be his only opponents. He has been a long time injuring you, as his
own conscience best informs him; for by means of your possessions, which
he is able to enjoy, he secures all the rest of his kingdom: had he
given up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he would not have deemed himself safe
even in Macedonia. He knows therefore, both that he is plotting against
you, and that you are aware of it; and, supposing you to have common
sense, he judges that you detest him as you ought. Besides these
important considerations, he is assured that, though he became master of
every thing else, nothing can be safe for him while you are under
popular government: should any reverse ever befall him, (and many may happen
to a man,) all who are now under constraint will come for refuge to
you. For you are not inclined yourselves to encroach and usurp dominion;
but famous rather for checking the usurper or depriving him of
his conquests, ever ready to molest the aspirants for empire, and
vindicate the liberty of all nations. He would not like that a free spirit
should proceed from Athens, to watch the occasions of his weakness; nor is
such reasoning foolish or idle. First then you must assume, that he is
an irreconcilable enemy of our constitution and democracy; secondly,
you must be convinced, that all his operations and contrivances are
designed for the injury of our state. None of you can be so silly as to
suppose, that Philip covets those miseries in Thrace, (for what else can one
call Drongilus and Cabyle and Mastira and the places which he is said now
to occupy?) and that to get possession of them he endures hardships
and winters and the utmost peril, but covets not the harbors of Athens,
the docks, the galleys, the silver mines, the revenues of such value,
the place and the glory--never may he or any other man obtain these by
the conquest of our city!--or that he will suffer you to keep these
things, while for the sake of the barley and millet in Thracian caverns
he winters in the midst of horrors. [Footnote: See the note in the
Oration on the Chersonese, page 108, where the same words nearly are
repeated.] Impossible. The object of that and every other enterprise of
Philip is, to become master here.
So should every man be persuaded and
convinced; and therefore, I say, should not call upon your faithful and
upright counselor to move a resolution for war: [Footnote: He deprecates
here, as elsewhere, the factious proceedings of certain opponents, who sought
to fasten the responsibility of a war on the orator, by forcing him to
propose a decree. This (argues Demosthenes) was unnecessary, as they were at
war already.] such were the part of men seeking an enemy to fight with,
not men forwarding the interests of the state. Only see. Suppose for
the first breach of the treaty by Philip, or for the second or third,
(for there is a series of breaches,) any one had made a motion for war
with him, and Philip, just as he has now without such motion, had aided
the Cardians, would not the mover have been sacrificed? [Footnote:
Pabst, following Wolf, takes this in the more limited sense of being
carried off to prison: _ins Gefangniss geworfen_. The English
translators, who have "torn to pieces," understand the word in the same sense
that I do, as meaning generally "destroyed, exterminated."] would not all
have imputed Philip's aid of the Cardians to that cause? Don't then look
for a person to vent your anger on for Philip's trespasses, to throw
to Philip's hirelings to be torn in pieces. Do not, after yourselves
voting for war, dispute with each other, whether you ought or ought not to
have done so. As Philip conducts the war, so resist him: furnish those
who are resisting him now [Footnote: Referring to Diopithes and his
troops in the Chersonese.] with money and what else they demand; pay
your contributions, men of Athens, provide an army, swift-sailing
galleys, horses, transports, all the materials of war. Our present mode
of operation is ridiculous; and by the gods I believe, that Philip
could not wish our republic to take any other course than what ye now
pursue. You miss your time, waste your money, look for a person to manage
your affairs, are discontented, accuse one another. How all this comes
about, I will explain, and how it may cease I will inform
you.
Nothing, O men of Athens, have you ever set on foot or contrived
rightly in the beginning: you always follow the event, stop when you are
too late, on any new occurrence prepare and bustle again. But that is
not the way of proceeding. It is never possible with sudden levies
to perform any essential service. You must establish an army,
provide maintenance for it, and paymasters, and commissaries, so ordering
it that the strictest care be taken of your funds; demand from
those officers an account of the expenditure, from your general an account
of the campaign; and leave not the general any excuse for sailing
elsewhere or prosecuting another enterprise. If ye so act and so resolve
in earnest, you will compel Philip to observe a just peace and remain
in his own country, or will contend with him on equal terms; and
perhaps, Athenians, perhaps, as you now inquire what Philip is doing, and
whither marching, so he may be anxious to learn, whither the troops of
Athens are bound, and where they will make their appearance.
Should
any man think that these are affairs of great expense and toil and
difficulty, he thinks rightly enough: but let him consider what
the consequences to Athens must be, if she refuse so to act, and he
will find it is our interest to perform our duties cheerfully. Suppose
you had some god for your surety--for certainly no mortal could guarantee
a thing so fortunate--that, although you kept quiet and sacrificed
every thing, Philip would not attack you at last, yet, by Jupiter and all
the gods, it would be disgraceful, unworthy of yourselves, of the dignity
of your state, and the deeds of your ancestors, for the sake of
selfish indolence to abandon the rest of Greece to servitude. For my part,
I would rather die than have advised such a course: however, if any
other man advises it, and can prevail on you, be it so; make no
defense, abandon all. But if no man holds such an opinion, if on the contrary
we all foresee, that, the more we permit Philip to conquer, the more
fierce and formidable an enemy we shall find him, what subterfuge remains?
what excuse for delay? Or when, O Athenians, shall we be willing to act
as becomes us? Peradventure, when there is some necessity. But what may
be called the necessity of freemen is not only come, but past long ago;
and that of slaves you must surely deprecate. What is the difference? To
a freeman shame for what is occurring is the strongest necessity; I
know of none stronger that can be mentioned: to a slave, stripes and
bodily chastisement; abominable things! too shocking to name!
To be
backward, men of Athens, in performing those services to which the person and
property of every one are liable, is wrong, very wrong, and yet it admits of
some excuse: but refusing even to bear what is necessary to be heard, and fit
to be considered, this calls for the severest censure. Your practice however
is, neither to attend until the business actually presses, as it does now,
nor to deliberate about any thing at leisure. When Philip is preparing, you,
instead of doing the like and making counter-preparation, remain listless,
and, if any one speaks a word, clamor him down: when you receive news that
any place is lost or besieged, then you listen and prepare. But the time to
have heard and consulted was then when you declined; the time to act
and employ your preparations is now that you are hearing. Such being
your habits, you are the only people who adopt this singular course:
others deliberate usually before action, you deliberate after action. One
thing [Footnote: He means negotiation with Persia, to obtain
pecuniary assistance.] remains, which should have been done long ago, but
even yet is not too late: I will mention it. Nothing in the world does
Athens need so much, as money for approaching exigencies. Lucky events
have occurred, and, if we rightly improve them, perhaps good service may
be done. In the first place, those, [Footnote: The Thracians, who
had always been regarded as benefactors of the Persian king, since
they assisted Darius on his invasion of Scythia. Philip was making war
in Thrace at this time, and had subjected a considerable part of
the country.] whom the king trusts and regards as his benefactors, are
at enmity and war with Philip. Secondly, the agent and confidant
[Footnote: Hermias, governor of Atarneus in Mysia, who for his
treasonable practices against Artaxerxes was seized by Mentor and sent in
chains to Susa, where he was put to death. He was a friend of Aristotle, who
was at his court, when he was taken prisoner. The philosopher
afterward married his sister.] of all Philip's preparations against the king
has been snatched off, and the king will hear all the proceedings, not
from Athenian accusers, whom he might consider to be speaking for their
own interests, but from the acting minister himself; the charges
therefore will be credible, and the only remaining argument for our
embassadors will be, one which the Persian monarch will rejoice to hear, that
we should take common vengeance on the injurer of both, and that Philip
is much more formidable to the king, if he attack us first; for, should
we be left in the lurch and suffer any mishap, he will march against
the king without fear. On all these matters then I advise that you
dispatch an embassy to confer with the king, and put aside that nonsense
which has so often damaged you--"the barbarian," forsooth, "the
common enemy"--and the like. I confess, when I see a man alarmed at a prince
in Susa and Ecbatana, and declaring him to be an enemy of Athens, him
that formerly [Footnote: In the confederate war, when the Persian
fleet enabled Conon to defeat the Lacedaemonians at Onidus, B. C.
394.] assisted in re-establishing her power, and lately made
overtures [Footnote: Artaxerxes had applied both to Athens and Lacedaemon to
aid him in the recovery of Egypt, which for many years had been held in
a state of revolt. Both these states refused to assist him. He
then applied to Thebes and Argos, each of which sent an auxiliary
force.]--if you did not accept them, but voted refusal, the fault is not
his--while the same man speaks a different language of one who is close at
our doors, and growing up in the centre of Greece to be the plunderer of
her people; I marvel, I dread this man, whoever he is, because he dreads
not Philip.
There is another thing too, the attacking of which by
unjust reproach and improper language hurts the state, and affords an excuse
to men who are unwilling to perform any public duty: indeed you will find
that every failure to discharge the obligation of a citizen is
attributable to this. I am really afraid to discuss the matter; however, I
will speak out.
I believe I can suggest, for the advantage of the
state, a plea for the poor against the rich, and for men of property against
the indigent; could we remove the clamor which some persons unfairly raise
about the theatric fund, [Footnote: Boeckh, Schaefer, and others, regard it
as conclusive against the genuineness of this Oration, that a
different view is here taken on the subject of the Theoric fund from that
which Demosthenes had expressed in the Olynthiacs. And certainly it is
a strong argument. It is possible, however, that circumstances may
have induced him to modify his opinion, or he may have thought it
dangerous to meddle with the law of Eubulus at the present crisis, which
called for the greatest unanimity among all classes. We may partly gather
from this speech, that there had been some agitation among the lower
classes, occasioned by the complaints of the wealthy against this law.
Any agitation tending to a spirit of communism must have been
extremely dangerous at Athens, where the people had such power of muleting
the higher classes by their votes in the popular assembly and courts
of justice. It might therefore be better to let the people alone with
their theatrical treats, their fees and largesses, than to provoke
retaliation by abridging such enjoyments. Leland observes on the subject
as follows--"All that the orator here says in defense of the
theatrical appointments is expressed with a caution and reserve quite
opposite to his usual openness and freedom; and which plainly betray a
consciousness of his being inconsistent with his former sentiments. How far
he may be excused by the supposed necessity of yielding to the
violent prepossessions of the people, and giving up a favorite point, I can
not pretend to determine. But it is certainly not very honorable
to Demosthenes, to suppose with Ulpian, that his former opposition
was merely personal, and that the death of Eubulus now put an end to
it."] and the fear that it can not stand without some signal mischief.
No greater help to our affairs could we introduce; [Footnote: Viz.,
than the removal of this clamor and alarm about the theatric fund.] none
that would more strengthen the whole community. Look at it thus. I
will commence on behalf of those who are considered the needy class.
There was a time with us, not long ago, when only a hundred and thirty
talents came into the state; [Footnote: This must be understood (according
to Boeckh) of the tribute only, which came in from the allies. The
total revenue of Athens must have greatly exceeded this.] and among
the persons qualified to command ships or pay property-tax, there was
not one who claimed exemption from his duty because no surplus
existed: [Footnote: There was as much ground for legal exemption then as
there is now; and yet it was never claimed. Why should the rich seek to
be relieved from their burdens because of an abundance of revenue?
That abundance is for the general benefit of the state, not for theirs
in particular. Such appears to be the argument, perhaps not
quite satisfactory; but such it is. Pabst, apparently reading [Greek:
_aph heautou_], has: _der nicht aus eigenem Antrieb seine Schuldigkeit zu
thun bereit war, weil kein Gelduberschuss vorhanden war_.] galleys sailed,
money was forthcoming, every thing needful was done. Since that time fortune
happily has increased the revenue, and four hundred talents come in instead
of one, without loss to any men of property, but with gain to them; for all
the wealthy come for their share of the fund, and they are welcome to it.
[Footnote: _I. e._ the Theoric fund, in which every member of the
commonwealth had a right to share.] Why then do we reproach one another on
this account, and make it an excuse for declining our duties, unless we
grudge the relief given by fortune to the poor? I would be sorry to blame
them myself, and I think it not right. In private families I never see a
young man behaving so to his elders, so unfeeling or so unreasonable, as to
refuse to do any thing himself, unless all the rest will do what he does.
Such a person would certainly be amenable to the laws against undutiful
conduct: [Footnote: Pabst: _die Gesetze wegen ungebuhrlicher Behandlung der
Eltern_. [Greek: _Kakosis_], "maltreatment", was a technical term in
the Attic law, denoting a failure of duty on the part of husbands,
children, or guardians, toward their wives, parents, or wards, for which they
were liable to be tried and punished in a suit called [Greek:
_kakoseos dikae_]. The jurisdiction over this offense belonged to the
Archon, who was the protector of all family rights.] for I ween there is
a tribute assigned to parents both by nature and by law, which ought to
be cheerfully offered and amply paid. Accordingly, as each individual
among us hath a parent, so should we regard the whole people as parents of
the state, and, so far from depriving them of what the state bestows,
we ought, in the absence of such bounty, to find other means to keep
them from destitution. If the rich will adopt this principle, I think
they will act both justly and wisely; for to deprive any class of a
necessary provision, is to unite them in disaffection to the
commonwealth.
To the poor I would recommend, that they remove the cause,
which makes men of property discontented with the present system, and excites
their just complaints. I shall take the same course on behalf of the
wealthy as I did just now, and not hesitate to speak the truth. There can
not, I believe, be found a wretch so hard-hearted--I will not say
among Athenians, but among any other people--who would be sorry to see
poor men, men without the necessaries of life, receiving these
bounties. Where then is the pinch [Footnote: The expression "Where is the
rub?" would be still nearer to the original, and the expression reminds one
of the line in Hamlet:
To sleep! perchance to dream! ay, there's the
rub.
Reiske says the simile is taken from the collision of chariots in
the race; but this is confining it too much. His vernacular explanation
is: _woran stosst es sich? wo ist der Haken?_ Pabst has: _woran stosst
sich die Sache, und was erzeugt den Verdruss?_] of the matter? where the
difficulty? When they see certain persons transferring the usage established
for the public revenue to private property, and the orator becoming
immediately powerful with you, yea, (so far as privilege can make him,)
immortal, and your secret vote contradicting your public clamor. [Footnote:
Having admonished the higher classes to pay their property-tax and perform
their public services cheerfully, and without seeking to be relieved at the
expense of the public revenue, he proceeds to remind the lower classes of
their duty. He warns them, that, while they receive a benefit from the funds
of the state, they must not endeavor to increase those funds unduly by an
invasion of the rights of property. His language is not open, but would
easily be understood by his audience. The Athenians ought not to promote
lawsuits to increase court-fees; not to encourage prosecutions against
wealthy citizens, in order to obtain fines and confiscations. He insinuates
that there was too much cause for complaint already. [Greek: _Ton legonta_]
is, not as Schaefer contends, the rich man pleading his cause before
the people, but, as Wolf explains it, the popular orator or informer,
who speedily rose to favor and influence, of which it was not easy
to deprive him. His opponent, speaking in a just cause, might be
applauded at the time, but the votes showed what was the real bias of the
people. In courts of justice at Athens the voting was usually by a
secret ballot; (see my article _Psephus_ in the
Archaeological Dictionary;) and there being a large number of jurors, it
would be difficult to discover by whose votes the verdict was obtained. It
is impossible to read the frequent appeals made by Athenian speakers to
the passions and prejudices of the jury, without seeing that there was
some ground for the insinuations of the orator in this passage.] Hence
arises mistrust, hence indignation. We ought, O ye men of Athens, to have
a just communion of political rights; the opulent holding
themselves secure in their fortunes, and without fear of losing them, yet in
time of danger imparting their substance freely for the defense of
their country; while the rest consider the public revenue as public,
and receive their share, but look on private property as belonging to
the individual owner. Thus it is that a small commonwealth becomes
great, and a great one is preserved. To speak generally then, such are
the obligations of each class; to insure their performance according to
law, some regulation should be made.
The causes of our present
troubles and embarrassment are many and of ancient date: if you are willing
to hear, I will declare them. You have quitted, O Athenians, the position in
which your ancestors left you; you have been persuaded by these politicians,
that to stand foremost of the Greeks, to keep a permanent force and redress
injured nations, is all vanity and idle expense; you imagine that to live in
quiet, to perform no duty, to abandon one thing after another and let
strangers seize on all, brings with it marvelous welfare and abundant
security. By such means a stranger has advanced to the post which you ought
to have occupied, has become prosperous and great, and made large
conquest; naturally enough. A prize there was, noble, great, and glorious,
one for which the mightiest states were contending all along; but as
the Lacedaemonians were humbled, the Thebans had their hands full
through the Phocian war, and we took no regard, he carried it off
without competition. The result has been, to others terror, to him a
vast alliance and extended power; while difficulties so many and
so distressing surround the Greeks, that even advice is not easy to
be found.
Yet, perilous as I conceive the present crisis to be for
all, no people are in such danger as you, men of Athens; not only because
Philip's designs are especially aimed at you, but because of all people you
are the most remiss. If, seeing the abundance of commodities and
cheapness in your market, you are beguiled into a belief that the state is in
no danger, your judgment is neither becoming nor correct. A market or
a fair one may, from such appearances, judge to be well or ill
supplied: but for a state, which every aspirant for the empire of Greece
has deemed to be alone capable of opposing him, and defending the liberty
of all--for such a state! verily her marketable commodities are not
the test of prosperity, but this--whether she can depend on the good-will
of her allies; whether she is puissant in arms. On behalf of such a
state these are the things to be considered; and in these respects
your condition is wretched and deplorable. You will understand it by a
simple reflection. When have the affairs of Greece been in the
greatest confusion? No other time could any man point out but the present.
In former times Greece was divided into two parties, that of
the Lacedaemonians and ours: some of the Greeks were subject to us, some
to them. The Persian, on his own account, was mistrusted equally by
all, but he used to make friends of the vanquished parties, and retain
their confidence, until he put them on an equality with the other side;
after which those that he succored would hate him as much as his
original enemies. Now however the king is on friendly terms with all the
Greeks, though least friendly with us, unless we put matters right. Now
too there are protectors [Footnote: This is said with some irony:
many states offer to come forward as protectors, but only on condition
of taking the lead: they will not join the common cause on fair terms.
Many of the translations miss the sense here. Leland understands it
rightly: "there are several cities which affect the character of guardians
and protectors." Auger confounds this sentence with the next: "il s'
eleve de tous cotes plusieurs puissances qui aspirent toutes a la
primaute."] springing up in every quarter, and all claim the precedency,
though some indeed have abandoned the cause, or envy and distrust each
other--more shame for them--and every state is isolated, Argives,
Thebans, Lacedaemonians, Corinthians, Arcadians, and ourselves. But, divided
as Greece is among so many parties and so many leaderships, if I must
speak the truth freely, there is no state whose offices and halls of
council appear more deserted by Grecian politics than ours. And no wonder;
when neither friendship, nor confidence, nor fear leads any to negotiate
with us.
This, ye men of Athens, has come not from any single cause,
(or you might easily mend it,) but from a great variety and long series
of errors. I will not stop to recount them, but will mention one, to
which all may be referred, beseeching you not to be offended, if I
boldly speak the truth.
Your interests are sold on every favorable
opportunity: you partake of the idleness and ease, under the charm whereof
you resent not your wrongs; while other persons get the reward. [Footnote:
Schaefer rightly explains [Greek: _timas_] to mean the price received for
treason. But most of the translators, following Wolf, understand it to mean
the honors won by Philip. [Greek: _Tois adikousin_] is rendered by Auger,
Leland, and Francis, "the traitors." I think it rather refers to, or at least
includes, the enemies who profited by the treason, and made conquests from
Athens: of course meaning Philip in particular.] Into all these cases I could
not enter now: but when any question about Philip arises, some one starts up
directly and says--"We must have no trifling, no proposal of war"--and then
goes on to say--"What a blessing it is to be at peace! what a grievance to
maintain a large army!"--and again--"Certain persons wish to plunder the
treasury"--and other arguments they urge, no doubt, in the full conviction of
their truth. [Footnote: There is no difficulty in this, if we understand it
to be ironical; and no need of any amendment.] But surely there is no need
of persuading you to observe peace, you that sit here persuaded already.
It is Philip (who is making war) that needs persuasion: prevail on him,
and all is ready on your part. We should consider as grievous, not what
we expend for our deliverance, but what we shall suffer in case of
refusal. Plunder of the treasury should be prevented by devising a plan for
its safe custody, not by abandoning our interests. Yet this very thing
makes me indignant, that some of you are pained at the thought of
your treasury being robbed, though it depends on yourselves to guard it
and to punish the criminal, but are not pained to see Philip
plundering Greece, plundering as he does one people after another, to forward
his designs upon you.
How comes it, ye men of Athens, that of this
flagrant aggressor, this capturer of cities, no one has ever declared that he
commits hostility or injustice, while those who counsel against submission
and sacrifice are charged as the authors of war? The reason is, that people
wish to cast upon your faithful counselors the blame of any untoward events
in the war; for war must necessarily be attended with many
misfortunes. They believe that, if you resist Philip with one heart and mind,
you will prevail against him, and they can be hirelings no longer; but
that if on the first outcry [Footnote: Leland: "the first unhappy
accident." Francis gives the right meaning, but with too many words; "the
first tumults occasioned by any unfortunate success." Spillau: "the
first alarm."] you arraign certain persons and bring them to trial, they
by accusing such persons will gain a double advantage, repute among
the Athenians and recompense from Philip; and that you will punish
your friendly advisers for a cause for which you ought to punish
the traitors. Such are the hopes, such the contrivance of these
charges, "that certain persons wish to kindle a war." I am sure, however,
that, without any Athenian moving a declaration of war, Philip has taken
many of our possessions, and has recently sent succor to Cardia. If we
choose to assume that he is not making war against us, he would be the
simplest of mankind to convince us of our mistake: for when the
sufferers disclaim the injury, what should the offenders do? But when he
marches to attack us, what shall we say then? He will assure us that he is
not making war, as he assured the Orites, when his troops were in
their country, as he assured the Pheraeans before he assaulted their
walls, and the Olynthians in the first instance, until he was in
their territories with his army. Shall we then say, that persons who bid
us defend ourselves kindle a war? If so, we must be slaves; for
nothing else remains.
But remember: you have more at stake than some
other people. Philip desires not to subjugate your city, but to destroy it
utterly. He is convinced, you will not submit to be slaves; if you were
inclined, you would not know how, having been accustomed to command: you will
be able, should occasion offer, to give him more trouble than any people in
the world. For this reason he will show us no mercy, if he get us into
his power: and therefore you must make up your minds, that the struggle
will be one for life and death. These persons, who have openly
sold themselves to Philip, you must execrate, you must beat their brains
out: for it is impossible, I say impossible, to vanquish your
foreign enemies, until you have punished your enemies within the city: these
are the stumbling-blocks that must cripple your efforts against
the foreigner.
From what cause, do ye think, Philip insults you now;
(for his conduct, in my judgment, amounts to nothing less;) and while he
deceives other people by doing them services--this at least is something--you
he threatens already? For example, the Thessalians by many benefits
he seduced into their present servitude: no man can tell how he cheated
the poor Olynthians, giving them first Potidaea and many other places:
now he is luring the Thebans, having delivered up Boeotia to them, and
freed them from a tedious and harassing war. Of these people, who each got
a certain advantage, some have suffered what is notorious to all,
others have yet to suffer what may befall them. As to yourselves; the amount
of your losses I do not mention: but in the very making of the peace
how have you been deceived! how plundered! Lost you not the
Phocians, Thermopylae, country toward Thrace, Doriscus, Serrium,
Cersobleptes himself? Holds he not Cardia now, and avows it? Why then does he
behave thus to other people, and in a different way to you? Because our city
is the only one where liberty is allowed to speak for the enemy, where
a man taking a bribe may safely address the people, though they have
been deprived of their possessions. It was not safe at Olynthus to
advocate Philip's cause, without the Olynthian people sharing the benefit
by possession of Potidaea. It was not safe to advocate Philip's cause
in Thessaly, without the people of Thessaly sharing the benefit,
by Philip's expelling their tyrants and restoring the Pylaean Synod. It
was not safe at Thebes, until he restored Boeotia to them, and destroyed
the Phocians. But at Athens, though Philip has taken from you Amphipolis
and the Cardian territory, and is even turning Euboea into a hostile
post, and advancing to attack Byzantium, it is safe to speak on
Philip's behalf. Yea, among these men, some have risen rapidly from poverty
to wealth, from meanness and obscurity to repute and honor, while you,
on the contrary, have fallen from honor to obscurity, from wealth
to indigence. For the riches of a state I consider to be
allies, confidence, good-will; of all which you are destitute. And by
your neglecting these things and suffering your interests thus to be
swept away, Philip has grown prosperous and mighty, formidable to all
the Greeks and barbarians, while you are forlorn and abject, in
the abundance of your market magnificent, but in your national
defenses ridiculous. [Footnote: The whole of the foregoing passage is taken,
with some little variation, from the speech on the Chersonese. It
certainly would seem strange, if this Oration had been forged by any
grammarian, that he should have borrowed thus by wholesale from Demosthenes.
There is perhaps less difficulty in the supposition that Demosthenes
repeated his own words.]
Some of our orators, I observe, take not the
same thought for you as for themselves. They say that you should keep quiet,
though you are injured; but they can not themselves keep quiet among you,
though no one injures them. Come, raillery apart, suppose you were thus
questioned, Aristodemus, [Footnote: This man was a tragic actor, and charged
by Demosthenes with being a partisan of Philip. He was the first person
who proposed peace with Macedonia, shortly before the embassy of ten.
See the Argument to the Oration on the Peace.]--"Tell me, as you
know perfectly well, what every one else knows, that the life of private
men is secure and free from trouble and danger, while that of statesmen
is exposed to scandal [Footnote: I have taken [Greek: _philaition_] in the
passive sense, as it is explained by Reiske and Schaefer, though it scarcely
suits the character of the word. Compare Shakspeare, Henry V. Act IV. Sc.
1.
O hard condition, twin-born with greatness, Subjected to the
breath of every fool! What infinite heart's ease must kings
neglect That private men enjoy!]
and misfortune, full of trials and
hardships every day, how comes it that you prefer, not the quiet and easy
life, but the one surrounded with peril?"--what should you say? If we
admitted the truth of what would be your best possible answer, namely, that
all you do is for honor and renown, I wonder what puts it into your head,
that you ought from such motives to exert yourself and undergo toil and
danger, while you advise the state to give up exertion and remain idle. You
can not surely allege, that Aristodemus ought to be of importance at Athens,
and Athens to be of no account among the Greeks. Nor again do I see, that for
the commonwealth it is safe to mind her own affairs only, and hazardous
for you, not to be a superlative busy-body. [Footnote: All the
translators have mistaken [Greek: _ton allon pleon_], which is simply
"more than others," as Wolf explains it.] On the contrary, to you I see
the utmost peril from your meddling and over-meddling, to the
commonwealth peril from her inactivity. But I suppose, you inherit a
reputation from your father and grandfather, which it were disgraceful in
your own person to extinguish, whereas the ancestry of the state was ignoble
and mean. This again is not so. Your father was a thief, [Footnote:
This seems to shock Leland, who spoils the pungency of the expression,
by rendering it: "Your father was like you, and therefore base
and infamous." Auger remarks: "L'invective de Demosthene est fort
eloquente, mais bien violente. L'amour de la patrie, contre laquelle sans
doute agissait Aristodeme, peut seul en excuser la vivacite."] if he
resembled you, whereas by the ancestors of the commonwealth, as all men know,
the Greeks have twice been rescued from the brink of destruction. Truly
the behaviour of some persons, in private and in public, is
neither equitable nor constitutional. How is it equitable, that certain of
these men, returned from prison, should not know themselves, while the
state, that once protected all Greece and held the foremost place, is sunk
in ignominy and humiliation?
Much could I add on many points, but I
will forbear. It is not, I believe, to lack of words that our distresses have
been owing either now or heretofore. The mischief is when you, after
listening to sound arguments, and all agreeing in their justice, sit to hear
with equal favor those who try to defeat and pervert them; not that you
are ignorant of the men; (you are certain at the first glance, who speak
for hire and are Philip's political agents, and who speak sincerely for
your good;) your object is to find fault with these, turn the thing
into laughter and raillery, and escape the performance of your
duty.
Such is the truth, spoken with perfect freedom, purely from
good-will and for the best: not a speech fraught with flattery and mischief
and deceit, to earn money for the speaker, and to put the commonwealth
into the hands of our enemies. I say, you must either desist from
these practices, or blame none but yourselves for the wretched condition of
your affairs. |
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