2014년 11월 10일 월요일

CELEBRATED CRIMES 18

CELEBRATED CRIMES 18


Meantime d’Aygaliers, in his turn, arrived at Versailles, with letters
from M. de Villars for the Duke of Beauvilliers, president of the king’s
council, and for Chamillard. The evening of his arrival he delivered
these letters to those to whom they were addressed, and both gentlemen
promised to present him to the king.

Four days later, Chamillard sent word to d’Aygaliers that he was to be
next day at the door of the king’s chamber at the time when the council
entered. D’Aygaliers was punctual, the king appeared at the usual hour,
and as he paused before d’Aygaliers, Chamillard came forward and said:

"Baron d’Aygaliers, sire."

"I am very glad to see you, sir," said the king, "for I am very much
pleased with the zeal you have displayed in Languedoc in my service—very
much pleased indeed."

"Sire," answered d’Aygaliers, "I consider myself most unfortunate in
that I have been able to accomplish nothing deserving of the gracious
words which your Majesty deigns to address me, and I pray God of His
grace to grant me in the future an opportunity of proving my zeal and
loyalty in your Majesty’s service more clearly than hitherto."

"Never mind, never mind," said the king. "I repeat, sir, that I am very
much pleased with what you have done."

And he entered the room where the council was waiting.

D’Aygaliers went away only half satisfied: he had not come so far only
to receive commendation from the king, but in the hope of obtaining some
concession for his brethren; but with Louis XIV it was impossible either
to intercede or complain, one could only wait.

The same evening Chamillard sent for the baron, and told him that as
Marechal Villars had mentioned in his letter that the Camisards had
great confidence in him, d’Aygaliers, he wished to ask him if he were
willing to go once more to them and try and bring them back to the path
of duty.

"Certainly I am willing; but I fear things have now got so far that
there will be great difficulty in calming the general perturbation of
mind."

"But what can these people want?" asked Chamillard, as if he had just
heard them spoken of for the first time, "and by what means can we
pacify them?"

"In my opinion," said the baron, "the king should allow to all his
subjects the free exercise of their religion."

"What! legalise once more the exercise of the so-called Reformed
religion!" exclaimed the minister. "Be sure you never mention such a
thing again. The king would rather see his kingdom destroyed than
consent to such a measure."

"Monseigneur," replied the baron, "if that is the case, then I must say
with great regret that I know of no other way to calm the discontent
which will ultimately result in the ruin of one of the fairest provinces
in France."

"But that is unheard-of obstinacy," said the minister, lost in
astonishment; "these people will destroy themselves, and drag their
country down with them. If they cannot conform to our religion, why do
they not worship God in their own way at home? No one will disturb them
as long as they don’t insist on public worship."

"At first that was all they wanted, monseigneur; and I am convinced that
if people had not been dragged to confession and communion by force, it
would have been easy to keep them in that submissive frame of mind from
which they were only driven by despair; but at present they say that it
is not enough to pray at home, they want to be married, to have their
children baptised and instructed, and to die and be buried according to
the ordinances of their own faith."

"Where may you have seen anyone who was ever made to communicate by
force?" asked Chamillard.

D’Aygaliers looked at the minister in surprise, thinking he spoke in
joke; but seeing he was quite serious, he answered:

"Alas, monseigneur, my late father and my mother, who is still living,
are both instances of people subjected to this indignity."

"Are you, then, not a Catholic?" asked Chamillard.

"No, monseigneur," replied d’Aygaliers.

"Then how did you manage to return to France?"

"To speak the truth, sir, I only came back to help my mother to escape;
but she never could make up her mind to leave France, as such a step was
surrounded by many difficulties which she feared she could never
surmount. So she asked my other relations to persuade me to remain. I
yielded to their importunities on condition that they would never
interfere with my beliefs. To accomplish this end they got a priest with
whom they were intimate to say that I had changed my views once more,
and I did not contradict the report. It was a great sin on my part, and
I deeply repent it. I must add, however, that whenever anyone has asked
me the question your Excellency asked me just now I have always given
the same reply."

The minister did not seem to take the baron’s frankness in bad part;
only he remarked, when dismissing him, that he hoped he would find out
some way of ridding the kingdom of those who refused to think in
religious matters as His Majesty commanded.

D’Aygaliers replied that it was a problem to which he had given much
thought, but without ever being able to find a solution, but that he
would think about it more earnestly in future. He then withdrew.

Some days later, Chamillard sent ward to d’Aygaliers that the king would
graciously give him a farewell audience. The baron relates what took
place at this second interview, as follows.

"His Majesty," says he, "received me in the council chamber, and was so
good as to repeat once more in the presence of all his ministers that he
was very much pleased with my services, but that there was one thing
about me he should like to correct. I begged His Majesty to tell me what
the fault was, and I should try to get rid of it at, the peril of my
life."

"’It is your religion,’ said the king. ’I should like to have you become
a good Catholic, so that I might be able to grant you favours and enable
you to serve me better.’ His Majesty added that I ought to seek
instruction, and that then I should one day recognise what a great
benefit he desired to bring within my reach.

"I answered that I would esteem myself happy if at the cost of my life I
could prove the burning zeal with which I was filled for the service of
the greatest of earthly kings, but that I should be unworthy of the
least of his favours if I obtained it by hypocrisy or by anything of
which my conscience did not approve, but that I was grateful for the
goodness which made him anxious for my salvation. I told him also that I
had already taken every opportunity of receiving instruction, and had
tried to put aside the prejudices arising from my birth, such as often
hindered people from recognising the truth, with the result that I had
at one time almost lost all sense of religion, until God, taking pity on
me, had opened my eyes and brought me out of that deplorable condition,
making me see that the faith in which I had been born was the only one
for me. ’And I can assure your Majesty,’ I added, ’that many of the
Languedoc bishops who ought, it seems to me, to try to make us
Catholics, are the instruments which Providence uses to prevent us from
becoming so. For instead of attracting us by gentleness and good
example, they ceaselessly subject us to all kinds of persecutions, as if
to convince us that God is punishing us for our cowardice in giving up a
religion which we know to be good, by delivering us up to pastors who,
far from labouring to assure our salvation, use all their efforts to
drive us to despair."

"At this the king shrugged his shoulders and said, ’Enough, do not say
any more.’ I asked for his blessing as the king and father of all his
subjects. The king burst out laughing, and told me that M. de Chamillard
would give me his orders."

In virtue of this intimation d’Aygaliers went next day to the minister’s
country house; for Chamillard had given him that address, and there he
learned that the king had granted him a pension of 800 livres. The baron
remarked that, not having worked for money, he had hoped for a better
reward; as far as money was concerned, he desired only the reimbursement
of the actual expenses of his journeys to and from, but Chamillard
answered that the king expected all that he offered and whatever he
offered to be accepted with gratitude. To this there was no possible
reply, so the same evening d’Aygaliers set out on his return to
Languedoc.

Three months later, Chamillard forwarded him an order to leave the
kingdom, telling him that he was to receive a pension of four hundred
crowns per annum, and enclosing the first quarter in advance.

As there was no means of evading this command, D’Aygaliers set out for
Geneva, accompanied by thirty-three followers, arriving there on the
23rd of September. Once rid of him, Louis the Magnificent thought that
he had done his part nobly and that he owed him nothing further, so that
d’Aygaliers waited a whole year in vain for the second quarter of his
pension.

At the end of this time, as his letters to Chamillard remained
unanswered, and finding himself without resources in a foreign country,
he believed himself justified in returning to France and taking up his
residence on his family estate. Unfortunately, on his way through Lyons,
the provost of merchants, hearing of his return, had him arrested, and
sent word to the king, who ordered him to be taken to the chateau de
Loches. After a year’s imprisonment, d’Aygaliers, who had just entered
on his thirty-fifth year, resolved to try and escape, preferring to die
in the attempt rather than remain a prisoner for life. He succeeded in
getting possession of a file with which he removed one of the bars of
his window, and by means of knotting his sheets together, he got down,
taking the loosened bar with him to serve, in case of need, as a weapon.
A sentinel who was near cried, "Who goes there?" but d’Aygaliers stunned
him with his bar. The cry, however, had given the alarm: a second
sentinel saw a man flying, fired at him, and killed him on the spot.

Such was the reward of the devoted patriotism of Baron d’Aygaliers!

Meantime Roland’s troops had increased greatly in number, having been
joined by the main body of those who had once been commanded by
Cavalier, so that he had, about eight hundred men at his disposal. Some
distance away, another chief, named Joanny, had four hundred; Larose, to
whom Castanet had transferred his command, found himself at the head of
three hundred; Boizeau de Rochegude was followed by one hundred, Saltet
de Soustel by two hundred, Louis Coste by fifty, and Catinat by forty,
so that, in spite of the victory of Montrevel and the negotiations of M.
de Villars, the Camisards still formed an effective force of eighteen
hundred and ninety men, not to speak of many single troopers who owned
no commander but acted each for himself, and were none the less
mischievous for that. All these troops, except these latter, obeyed
Roland, who since the defection of Cavalier had been recognised as
generalissimo of the forces. M. de Villars thought if he could separate
Roland from his troops as he had separated Cavalier, his plans would be
more easy to carry out.

So he made use of every means within his reach to gain over Roland, and
as soon as one plan failed he tried another. At one moment he was almost
sure of obtaining his object by the help of a certain Jourdan de Mianet,
a great friend of his, who offered his services as an intermediary, but
who failed like all the others, receiving from Roland a positive
refusal, so that it became evident that resort must be had to other
means than those of persuasion. A sum of 100 Louis had already been set
on Roland’s head: this sum was now doubled.

Three days afterwards, a young man from Uzes, by name Malarte, in whom
Roland had every confidence, wrote to M. de Paratte that the Camisard
general intended to pass the night of the 14th of August at the chateau
Castelnau.

De Paratte immediately made his dispositions, and ordered Lacoste-Badie,
at the head of two companies of dragoons, and all the officers at Uzes
who were well mounted, to hold themselves in readiness to start on an
expedition at eight o’clock in the evening, but not revealing its object
to them till the time came. At eight o’clock, having been told what they
had to do, they set off at such a pace that they came in sight of the
chateau within an hour, and were obliged to halt and conceal themselves,
lest they should appear too soon, before Roland had retired for the
night. But they need not have been afraid; the Camisard chief, who was
accustomed to rely on all his men as on himself, had gone to bed without
any suspicion, having full confidence in the vigilance of one of his
officers, named Grimaud, who had stationed himself as sentinel on the
roof of the chateau. Led by Malarte, Lacoste-Badie and his dragoons took
a narrow covered way, which led them to the foot of the walls, so that
when Grimaud saw them it was already too late, the chateau being
surrounded on all sides. Firing off his gun, he cried, "To arms!"
Roland, roused by the cry and the shot, leaped out of bed, and taking
his clothes in one hand and his sword in the other, ran out of his room.
At the door he met Grimaud, who, instead of thinking of his own safety,
had come to watch over that of his chief. They both ran to the stables
to get horses, but three of their men—Marchand, Bourdalie, and Bayos—had
been before them and had seized on the best ones, and riding them
bare-backed had dashed through the front gates before the dragoons could
stop them. The horses that were left were so wretched that Roland felt
there was no chance of out-distancing the dragoons by their help, so he
resolved to fly on foot, thus avoiding the open roads and being able to
take refuge in every ravine and every bush as cover. He therefore
hastened with Grimaud and four other officers who had gathered round him
towards a small back gate which opened on the fields, but as there was,
besides the troops which entered the chateau, a ring of dragoons round
it, they fell at once into the hands of some men who had been placed in
ambush. Seeing himself surrounded, Roland let fall the clothes which he
had not yet had time to put on, placed his back against a tree, drew his
sword, and challenged the boldest, whether officer or private, to
approach. His features expressed such resolution, that when he thus,
alone and half naked, defied them all, there was a moment’s hesitation,
during which no one ventured to take a forward step; but this pause was
broken by the report of a gun: the arm which Roland had stretched out
against his adversaries fell to his side, the sword with which he had
threatened them escaped from his hand, his knees gave way, so that his
body, which was only supported by the tree against which he leaned,
after remaining an instant erect, gradually sank to the ground.
Collecting all his strength, Roland raised his two hands to Heaven, as
if to call down the vengeance of God upon his murderers, then, without
having uttered a single word, he fell forward dead, shot through the
heart. The name of the dragoon who killed him was Soubeyrand.

Maillie, Grimaud, Coutereau, Guerin, and Ressal, the five Camisard
officers, seeing their chief dead, let themselves be taken as if they
were children, without thinking of making any resistance.

The dead body of Roland was carried back in triumph to Uzes, and from
there to Nimes, where it was put upon trial as if still alive. It was
sentenced to be dragged on hurdles and then burnt. The execution of this
sentence was carried out with such pomp as made it impossible for the
one party to forget the punishment and for the other to forget the
martyrdom. At the end the ashes of Roland were scattered to the four
winds of heaven.

The execution of the five officers followed close on that of their
chief’s body; they were condemned to be broken on the wheel, and the
sentence was carried out on all at once. But their death, instead of
inspiring the Calvinists with terror, gave them rather fresh courage,
for, as an eye-witness relates, the five Camisards bore their tortures
not only with fortitude, but with a light-heartedness which surprised
all present, especially those who had never seen a Camisard executed
before.

Malarte received his 200 Louis, but to-day his name is coupled with that
of Judas in the minds of his countrymen.

From this time on fortune ceased to smile on the Camisards. Genius had
gone with Cavalier, and, faith with Roland. The very day of the death of
the latter, one of their stores, containing more than eighty sacks of
corn, had been taken at Toiras. The next day, Catinat, who, with a dozen
men, was in hiding in a vineyard of La Vaunage, was surprised by a
detachment of Soissonnais; eleven of his men were killed, the twelfth
made prisoner, and he himself barely escaped with a severe wound. The
25th of the same month, a cavern near Sauve, which the rebels used as a
store, and which contained one hundred and fifty sacks of fine wheat,
was discovered; lastly, Chevalier de Froulay had found a third
hiding-place near Mailet. In this, which had been used not only as a
store but as a hospital, besides a quantity of salt beef, wine, and
flour, six wounded Camisards were found, who were instantly shot as they
lay.

The only band which remained unbroken was Ravanel’s, but since the
departure of Cavalier things had not gone well with his lieutenant.

In consequence of this, and also on account of the successive checks
which the other bodies of Camisard troops had met with, Ravanel
proclaimed a solemn fast, in order to intercede with God to protect the
Huguenot cause. On Saturday, the 13th September, he led his entire force
to the wood of St. Benazet, intending to pass the whole of the next day
with them there in prayer. But treason was rife. Two peasants who knew
of this plan gave information to M. Lenoir, mayor of Le Vigan, and he
sent word to the marechal and M. de Saville, who were at Anduze.

Nothing could have been more welcome to the governor than this important
information: he made the most careful disposition of his forces, hoping
to destroy the rebellion at one blow. He ordered M. de Courten, a
brigadier-colonel in command at Alais, to take a detachment of the
troops under him and patrol the banks of the Gardon between Ners and
Castagnols. He was of opinion that if the Camisards were attacked on the
other side by a body of soldiers drawn from Anduze, which he had
stationed during the night at Dommersargues, they would try to make good
their retreat towards the river. The force at Dommersargues might almost
be called a small army; for it was composed of a Swiss battalion, a
battalion of the Hainault regiment, one from the Charolais regiment, and
four companies of dragoons from Fimarcon and Saint-Sernin.

Everything took place as the peasants had said: on Saturday the 13th,
the Camisards entered, as we have seen, the wood of St. Benazet, and
passed the night there.

At break of day the royals from Dommersargues began their advance. The
Camisard outposts soon perceived the movement, and warned Ravanel, who
held his little council of war. Everyone was in favour of instant
retreat, so they retired towards Ners, intending to cross the Gardon
below that town: just as M. de Villars had foreseen, the Camisards did
everything necessary for the success of his plans, and ended by walking
right into the trap set for them.

On emerging from the wood of St. Benazet, they caught sight of a
detachment of royals drawn up and waiting for them between Marvejols and
a mill called the Moulin-du-Pont. Seeing the road closed in this
direction, they turned sharp to the left, and gained a rocky valley
which ran parallel to the Gardon. This they followed till they came out
below Marvejols, where they crossed the river. They now thought
themselves out of danger, thanks to this manoeuvre, but suddenly they
saw another detachment of royals lying on the grass near the mill of La
Scie. They at once halted again, and then, believing themselves
undiscovered, turned back, moving as noiselessly as possible, intending
to recross the river and make for Cardet. But they only avoided one trap
to fall into another, for in this direction they were met by the
Hainault battalion, which swooped down upon them. A few of these
ill-fated men rallied at the sound of Ravanel’s voice and made an effort
to defend themselves in spite of the prevailing confusion; but the
danger was so imminent, the foes so numerous, and their numbers
decreased so rapidly under the fierce assault, that their example failed
of effect, and flight became general: every man trusted to chance for
guidance, and, caring nothing for the safety of others, thought only of
his own.

Then it ceased to be a battle and become a massacre, for the royals were
ten to one; and among those they encountered, only sixty had firearms,
the rest, since the discovery of their various magazines, having been
reduced to arm themselves with bad swords, pitchforks, and bayonets
attached to sticks. Hardly a man survived the fray. Ravanel himself only
succeeded in escaping by throwing himself into the river, where he
remained under water between two rocks for seven hours, only coming to
the surface to breathe. When night fell and the dragoons had retired, he
also fled.

This was the last battle of the war, which had lasted four years. With
Cavalier and Roland, those two mountain giants, the power of the rebels
disappeared. As the news of the defeat spread, the Camisard chiefs and
soldiers becoming convinced that the Lord had hidden His face from them,
surrendered one by one. The first to set an example was Castanet. On
September 6th, a week after the defeat of Ravanel, he surrendered to the
marechal. On the 19th, Catinat and his lieutenant, Franqois Souvayre,
tendered their submission; on the 22nd, Amet, Roland’s brother, came in;
on October 4th, Joanny; on the 9th, Larose, Valette, Salomon, Laforet,
Moulieres, Salles, Abraham and Marion; on the 20th, Fidele; and on the
25th, Rochegude.

Each made what terms he could; in general the conditions were
favourable. Most of those who submitted received rewards of money, some
more, some less; the smallest amount given being 200 livres. They all
received passports, and were ordered to leave the kingdom, being sent,
accompanied by an escort and at the king’s expense, to Geneva. The
following is the account given by Marion of the agreement he came to
with the Marquis Lalande; probably all the others were of the same
nature.

"I was deputed," he says, "to treat with this lieutenant-general in
regard to the surrender of my own troops and those of Larose, and to
arrange terms for the inhabitants of thirty-five parishes who had
contributed to our support during the war. The result of the
negotiations was that all the prisoners from our cantons should be set
at liberty, and be reinstated in their possessions, along with all the
others. The inhabitants of those parishes which had been ravaged by fire
were to be exempt from land-tax for three years; and in no parish were
the inhabitants to be taunted with the past, nor molested on the subject
of religion, but were to be free to worship God in their own houses
according to their consciences."

These agreements were fulfilled with such punctuality, that Larose was
permitted to open the prison doors of St. Hippolyte to forty prisoners
the very day he made submission.

As we have said, the Camisards, according as they came in, were sent off
to Geneva. D’Aygaliers, whose fate we have anticipated, arrived there on
September 23rd, accompanied by Cavalier’s eldest brother, Malpach,
Roland’s secretary, and thirty-six Camisards. Catinat and Castanet
arrived there on the 8th October, along with twenty-two other persons,
while Larose, Laforet, Salomon, Moulieres, Salles, Marion, and Fidele
reached it under the escort of forty dragoons from Fimarcon in the month
of November.

Of all the chiefs who had turned Languedoc for four years into a vast
arena, only Ravanel remained, but he refused either to surrender or to
leave the country. On the 8th October the marechal issued an order
declaring he had forfeited all right to the favour of an amnesty, and
offering a reward of 150 Louis to whoever delivered him up living, and
2400 livres to whoever brought in his dead body, while any hamlet,
village, or town which gave him refuge would be burnt to the ground and
the inhabitants put to the sword.

The revolt seemed to be at an end and peace established. So the marechal
was recalled to court, and left Nimes on January the 6th. Before his
departure he received the States of Languedoc, who bestowed on him not
only the praise which was his due for having tempered severity with
mercy, but also a purse of 12,000 livres, while a sum of 8000 livres was
presented to his wife. But all this was only a prelude to the favours
awaiting him at court. On the day he returned to Paris the king
decorated him with all the royal orders and created him a duke. On the
following day he received him, and thus addressed him: "Sir, your past
services lead me to expect much of those you will render me in the
future. The affairs of my kingdom would be better conducted if I had
several Villars at my disposal. Having only one, I must always send him
where he is most needed. It was for that reason I sent you to Languedoc.
You have, while there, restored tranquillity to my subjects, you must
now defend them against their enemies; for I shall send you to command
my army on the Moselle in the next campaign."

The, Duke of Berwick arrived at Montpellier on the 17th March to replace
Marechal Villars. His first care was to learn from M. de Baville the
exact state of affairs. M. de Baville told him that they were not at all
settled as they appeared to be on the surface. In fact, England and
Holland, desiring nothing so much as that an intestine war should waste
France, were making unceasing efforts to induce the exiles to return
home, promising that this time they would really support them by lending
arms, ammunition, and men, and it was said that some were already on
their way back, among the number Castanet.

And indeed the late rebel chief, tired of inaction, had left Geneva in
the end of February, and arrived safely at Vivarais. He had held a
religious meeting in a cave near La Goree, and had drawn to his side
Valette of Vals and Boyer of Valon. Just as the three had determined to
penetrate into the Cevennes, they were denounced by some peasants before
a Swiss officer named Muller, who was in command of a detachment of
troops in the village of Riviere. Muller instantly mounted his horse,
and guided by the informers made his way into the little wood in which
the Camisards had taken refuge, and fell upon them quite unexpectedly.
Boyer was killed in trying to escape; Castanet was taken and brought to
the nearest prison, where he was joined the next day by Valette, who had
also been betrayed by some peasants whom he had asked for assistance.

The first punishment inflicted on Castanet was, that he was compelled to
carry in his hand the head of Boyer all the way from La Goree to
Montpellier. He protested vehemently at first, but in vain: it was
fastened to his wrist by the hair; whereupon he kissed it on both
cheeks, and went through the ordeal as if it were a religious act,
addressing words of prayer to the head as he might have done to a relic
of a martyr.

Arrived at Montpellier, Castanet was examined, and at first persisted in
saying that he had only returned from exile because he had not the
wherewithal to live abroad. But when put to the torture he was made to
endure such agony that, despite his courage and constancy, he confessed
that he had formed a plan to introduce a band of Huguenot soldiers with
their officers into the Cevennes by way of Dauphine or by water, and
while waiting for their arrival he had sent on emissaries in advance to
rouse the people to revolt; that he himself had also shared in this
work; that Catinat was at the moment in Languedoc or Vivarais engaged in
the same task, and provided with a considerable sum of money sent him by
foreigners for distribution, and that several persons of still greater
importance would soon cross the frontier and join him.

Castanet was condemned to be broken on the wheel. As he was about to be
led to execution, Abbe Tremondy, the cure of Notre-Dame, and Abbe
Plomet, canon of the cathedral, came to his cell to make a last effort
to convert him, but he refused to speak. They therefore went on before,
and awaited him on the scaffold. There they appeared to inspire Castanet
with more horror than the instruments of torture, and while he addressed
the executioner as "brother," he called out to the priests, "Go away out
of my sight, imps from the bottomless pit! What are you doing here, you
accursed tempters? I will die in the religion in which I was born. Leave
me alone, ye hypocrites, leave me alone!" But the two abbes were
unmoved, and Castanet expired cursing, not the executioner but the two
priests, whose presence during his death-agony disturbed his soul,
turning it away from things which should have filled it.

Valette was sentenced to be hanged, and was executed on the same day as
Castanet.

In spite of the admissions wrung from Castanet in March, nearly a month
passed without any sign of fresh intrigues or any attempt at rebellion.
But on the 17th of April, about seven o’clock in the evening, M. de
Baville received intelligence that several Camisards had lately returned
from abroad, and were in hiding somewhere, though their retreat was not
known. This information was laid before the Duke of Berwick, and he and
M. de Baville ordered certain houses to be searched, whose owners were
in their opinion likely to have given refuge to the malcontents. At
midnight all the forces which they could collect were divided into
twelve detachments, composed of archers and soldiers, and at the head of
each detachment was placed a man that could be depended upon. Dumayne,
the king’s lieutenant, assigned to each the districts they were to
search, and they all set out at once from the town hall, at half-past
twelve, marching in silence, and separating at signs from their leaders,
so anxious were they to make no noise. At first all their efforts were
of no avail, several houses being searched without any result; but at
length Jausserand, the diocesan provost, having entered one of the
houses which he and Villa, captain of the town troops, had had assigned
to them, they found three men sleeping on mattresses laid on the floor.
The provost roused them by asking them who they were, whence they came,
and what they were doing at Montpellier, and as they, still half asleep,
did not reply quite promptly, he ordered them to dress and follow him.

These three men were Flessiere, Gaillard, and Jean-Louis. Flessiere was
a deserter from the Fimarcon regiment: he it was who knew most about the
plot. Gaillard had formerly served in the Hainault regiment; and
Jean-Louis, commonly called "the Genevois," was a deserter from the
Courten regiment.

Flessiere, who was the leader, felt that it would be a great disgrace to
let themselves be taken without resistance; he therefore pretended to
obey, but in lifting up his clothes, which lay upon a trunk, he managed
to secure two pistols, which he cocked. At the noise made by the hammers
the provost’s suspicions were aroused, and throwing himself on
Flessiere, he seized him round the waist from behind. Flessiere, unable
to turn, raised his arm and fired over his shoulder. The shot missed the
provost, merely burning a lock of his hair, but slightly wounded one of
his servants, who was carrying a lantern. He then tried to fire a second
shot, but Jausserand, seizing him by the wrist with one hand, blew out
his brains with the other. While Jausserand and Flessiere were thus
struggling, Gaillard threw himself on Villa, pinning his arms to his
sides. As he had no weapons, he tried to push him to the wall, in order
to stun him by knocking his head against it; but when the servant, being
wounded, let the lantern fall, he took advantage of the darkness to make
a dash for the door, letting go his hold of his antagonist.
Unfortunately for him, the doors, of which there were two, were guarded,
and the guards, seeing a half-naked man running away at the top of his
speed, ran after him, firing several shots. He received a wound which,
though not dangerous, impeded his flight, so that he was boon overtaken
and captured. They brought him back a prisoner to the town hall, where
Flessiere’s dead body already lay.

Meanwhile Jean-Louis had had better luck. While the two struggles as
related above were going on, he slipped unnoticed to an open window and
got out into the street. He ran round the corner of the house, and
disappeared like a shadow in the darkness before the eyes of the guards.
For a long time he wandered from street to street, running down one and
up another, till chance brought him near La Poissonniere. Here he
perceived a beggar propped against a post and fast asleep; he awoke him,
and proposed that they should exchange clothes. As Jean-Louis’ suit was
new and the beggar’s in rags, the latter thought at first it was a joke.
Soon perceiving, however, that the offer was made in all seriousness, he
agreed to the exchange, and the two separated, each delighted with his
bargain. Jean-Louis approached one of the gates of the town, in order to
be able to get out as soon as it was opened, and the beggar hastened off
in another direction, in order to get away from the man who had let him
have so good a bargain, before he had time to regret the exchange he had
made.

But the night’s adventures were far from being over. The beggar was
taken a prisoner, Jean-Louis’ coat being recognised, and brought to the
town hall, where the mistake was discovered. The Genevois meantime got
into a dark street, and lost his way. Seeing three men approach, one of
whom carried a lantern, he went towards the light, in order to find out
where he was, and saw, to his surprise, that one of the men was the
servant whom Flessiere had wounded, and who was now going to have his
wound dressed. The Genevois tried to draw back into the shade, but it
was too late: the servant had recognised him. He then tried to fly; but
the wounded man soon overtook him, and although one of his hands was
disabled, he held him fast with the other, so that the two men who were
with him ran up and easily secured him. He also was brought to the town
hall, where he found the Duke of Berwick and M. de Baville, who were
awaiting the result of the affray.

Hardly had the prisoner caught sight of them than, seeing himself
already hanged, which was no wonder considering the marvellous celerity
with which executions were conducted at that epoch, he threw himself on
his knees, confessed who he was, and related for what reason he had
joined the fanatics. He went on to say that as he had not joined them of
his own free will, but had been forced to do so, he would, if they would
spare his life, reveal important secrets to them, by means of which they
could arrest the principal conspirators.

His offer was so tempting and his life of so little worth that the duke
and de Baville did not long hesitate, but pledged their word to spare
his life if the revelations he was about to make proved to be of real
importance. The bargain being concluded, the Genevois made the following
statement:

"That several letters having arrived from foreign countries containing
promises of men and money, the discontented in the provinces had leagued
together in order to provoke a fresh rebellion. By means of these
letters and other documents which were scattered abroad, hopes were
raised that M. de Miremont, the last Protestant prince of the house of
Bourbon, would bring them reinforcements five or six thousand strong.
These reinforcements were to come by sea and make a descent on
Aigues-Mortes or Cette,—and two thousand Huguenots were to arrive at the
same time by way of Dauphine and join the others as they disembarked.

"That in this hope Catinat, Clary, and Jonquet had left Geneva and
returned to France, and having joined Ravanel had gone secretly through
those parts of the country known to be infected with fanaticism, and
made all necessary arrangements, such as amassing powder and lead,
munitions of war, and stores of all kinds, as well as enrolling the
names of all those who were of age to bear arms. Furthermore, they had
made an estimate of what each city, town, and village ought to
contribute in money or in kind to the—League of the Children of God, so
that they could count on having eight or ten thousand men ready to rise
at the first signal. They had furthermore resolved that there should be
risings in several places at the same time, which places were already
chosen, and each of those who were to take part in the movement knew his
exact duty. At Montpellier a hundred of the most determined amongst the
disaffected were to set fire in different quarters to the houses of the
Catholics, killing all who attempted to extinguish the fires, and with
the help of the Huguenot inhabitants were, to slaughter the garrison,
seize the citadel, and carry off the Duke of Berwick and M. de Baville.
The same things were to be done at Nimes, Uzes, Alais, Anduze,
Saint-Hippolyte, and Sommieres. Lastly, he said, this conspiracy had
been going on for more than three months, and the conspirators, in order
not to be found out, had only revealed their plans to those whom they
knew to be ready to join them: they had not admitted a single woman to
their confidence, or any man whom it was possible to suspect. Further,
they had only met at night and a few persons at a time, in certain
country houses, to which admittance was gained by means of a
countersign; the 25th of April was the day fixed for the general rising
and the execution of these projects."

As may be seen, the danger was imminent, as there was only six days’
interval between the revelation and the expected outburst; so the
Genevois was consulted, under renewed promises of safety for himself, as
to the best means of seizing on the principal chiefs in the shortest
possible time. He replied that he saw no other way but to accompany them
himself to Nimes, where Catinat and Ravanel were in hiding, in a house
of which he did not know the number and in a street of which he did not
know the name, but which he was sure of recognising when he saw them. If
this advice were to be of any avail, there was no time to be lost, for
Ravanel and Catinat were to leave Nimes on the 20th or the 21st at
latest; consequently, if they did not set off at once, the chiefs would
no longer be there when they arrived. The advice seemed good, so the
marechal and the intendant hastened to follow it: the informer was sent
to Nimes guarded by six archers, the conduct of the expedition was given
to Barnier, the provost’s lieutenant, a man of intellect and common
sense, and in whom the provost had full confidence. He carried letters
for the Marquis of Sandricourt.

As they arrived late on the evening of the 19th, the Genevois was at
once led up and down the streets of Nimes, and, as he had promised, he
pointed out several houses in the district of Sainte-Eugenie.
Sandricourt at once ordered the garrison officers, as well as those of
the municipal and Courten regiments, to put all their soldiers under
arms and to station them quietly throughout the town so as to surround
that district. At ten o’clock, the Marquis of Sandricourt, having made
certain that his instructions had been carefully carried out, gave
orders to MM. de L’Estrade, Barnier, Joseph Martin, Eusebe, the major of
the Swiss regiment, and several other officers, along with ten picked
men, to repair to the house of one Alison, a silk merchant, this house
having been specially pointed out by the prisoner. This they did, but
seeing the door open, they had little hope of finding the chiefs of a
conspiracy in a place so badly guarded; nevertheless, determined to obey
their instructions, they glided softly into the hall. In a few moments,
during which silence and darkness reigned, they heard people speaking
rather loudly in an adjoining room, and by listening intently they
caught the following words: "It is quite sure that in less than three
weeks the king will be no longer master of Dauphine, Vivarais, and
Languedoc. I am being sought for everywhere, and here I am in Nimes,
with nothing to fear."

It was now quite clear to the listeners that close at hand were some at
least of those for whom they were looking. They ran to the door, which
was ajar, and entered the room, sword in hand. They found Ravanel,
Jonquet, and Villas talking together, one sitting on a table, another
standing on the hearth, and the third lolling on a bed.

Jonquet was a young man from Sainte-Chatte, highly thought of among the
Camisards. He had been, it may be remembered, one of Cavalier’s
principal officers. Villas was the son of a doctor in Saint-Hippolyte;
he was still young, though he had seen ten years’ service, having been
cornet in England in the Galloway regiment. As to Ravanel, he is
sufficiently known to our readers to make any words of introduction
unnecessary.

De l’Estrade threw himself on the nearest of the three, and, without
using his sword, struck him with his fist. Ravanel (for it was he) being
half stunned, fell back a step and asked the reason of this violent
assault; while Barnier exclaimed, "Hold him fast, M. de l’Estrade; it is
Ravanel!" "Well, yes, I am Ravanel," said the Camisard, "but that is no
reason for making so much noise." As he said these words he made an
attempt to reach his weapons, but de l’Estrade and Barnier prevented him
by throwing themselves on him, and succeeded in knocking him down after
a fierce struggle. While, this was going on, his two companions were
secured, and the three were removed to the fort, where their guard never
left them night or day.

The Marquis of Sandricourt immediately sent off a courier to the Duke of
Berwick and M. de Baville to inform them of the important capture he had
made. They were so delighted at the news that they came next day to
Nimes.

They found the town intensely excited, soldiers with fixed bayonets at
every street corner, all the houses shut up, and the gates of the town
closed, and no one allowed to leave without written permission from
Sandricourt. On the 20th, and during the following night, more than
fifty persons were arrested, amongst whom were Alison, the merchant in
whose house Ravanel, Villas, and Jonquet were found; Delacroix, Alison’s
brother-in-law, who, on hearing the noise of the struggle, had hidden on
the roof and was not discovered till next day; Jean Lauze, who was
accused of having prepared Ravanel’s supper; Lauze’s mother, a widow;
Tourelle, the maid-servant; the host of the Coupe d’Or, and a preacher
named La Jeunesse.

Great, however, as was the joy felt by the duke, the marquis, and de
Baville, it fell short of full perfection, for the most dangerous man
among the rebels was still at large; in spite of every effort, Catinat’s
hiding-place had not till now been discovered.

Accordingly, the duke issued a proclamation offering a reward of one
hundred Louis-d’or to whoever would take Catinat, or cause him to be
taken prisoner, and granting a free pardon to anyone who had sheltered
him, provided that he was denounced before the house-to-house visitation
which was about to be made took place. After the search began, the
master of the house in which he might be found would be hung at his own
door, his family thrown into prison, his goods confiscated, his house
razed to the ground, without any form of trial whatever.

This proclamation had the effect expected by the duke: whether the man
in whose house Catinat was concealed grew frightened and asked him to
leave, or whether Catinat thought his best course would be to try and
get away from the town, instead of remaining shut up in it, he dressed
himself one morning in suitable clothes, and went to a barber’s, who
shaved him, cut his hair, and made up his face so as to give him as much
the appearance of a nobleman as possible; and then with wonderful
assurance he went out into the streets, and pulling his hat over his
eyes and holding a paper in his hand as if reading it, he crossed the
town to the gate of St. Antoine. He was almost through when Charreau,
the captain of the guard, having his attention directed to Catinat by a
comrade to whom he was talking, stopped him, suspecting he was trying to
escape. Catinat asked what he wanted with him, and Charreau replied that
if he would enter the guard-house he would learn; as under such
circumstances any examination was to be avoided, Catinat tried to force
his way out; whereupon he was seized by Charreau and his
brother-officer, and Catinat seeing that resistance would be not only
useless but harmful, allowed himself to be taken to the guard-room.

He had been there about an hour without being recognised by any of those
who, drawn by curiosity, came to look at him, when one of the visitors
in going out said he bore a strong resemblance to Catinat; some children
hearing these words, began to shout, "Catinat is taken! Catinat is
taken!" This cry drew a large crowd to the guard-house, among others a
man whose name was Anglejas, who, looking closely at the prisoner,
recognised him and called him by name.

Instantly the guard was doubled, and Catinat searched: a psalm-book with
a silver clasp and a letter addressed to "M. Maurel, called Catinat,"
were found on him, leaving no doubt as to his identity; while he
himself, growing impatient, and desiring to end all these
investigations, acknowledged that he was Catinat and no other.

He was at once taken to the palace, where the Presidial Court was
sitting, M. de Baville and the president being occupied in trying
Ravanel, Villas, and Jonquet. On hearing the news of this important
capture, the intendant, hardly daring to believe his ears, rose and went
out to meet the prisoner, in order to convince himself that it was
really Catinat.

From the Presidial Court he was brought before the Duke of Berwick, who
addressed several questions to him, which Catinat answered; he then told
the duke he had something of importance to impart to him and to him
alone. The duke was not very anxious for a tete-a-tete with Catinat;
however, having ordered his hands to be securely bound, and telling
Sandricourt not to go away, he consented to hear what the prisoner had
to say.

Catinat then, in the presence of the duke and Sandricourt, proposed that
an exchange of prisoners should be made, the Marechal de Tallard, who
was a prisoner of war in England, being accepted in his place. Catinat
added that if this offer was not accepted, the marechal would meet the
same treatment from the English as might be meted out to him, Catinat,
in France. The duke, full of the aristocratic ideas to which he was
born, found the proposal insolent, and said, "If that is all you have to
propose, I can assure you that your hours are numbered."

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