(11) See Grote, "H. G." x. 349 foll.; al. B.C. 368.
(12) "During the wars of Epameinondas Pellene adhered firmly to her
Spartan policy, at a time when other cities were, to say the
least, less strenuous in the Spartan cause."--Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." p. 241. Afterwards Pellene is found temporarily on the
Theban side ("Hell." VII. ii. 11).
The Thebans and their allies, finding themselves within three or four
miles (13) of the troops guarding the pass, encamped in the flat ground
below; but presently, after a careful calculation of the time it would
take to start and reach the goal in the gloaming, they advanced against
the Lacedaemonian outposts. In spite of the difficulty they timed their
movements to a nicety, and fell upon the Lacedaemonians and Pellenians
just at the interval when the night pickets were turning in and the men
were leaving their shakedowns and retiring for necessary purposes. (14)
This was the instant for the Thebans to fling themselves upon them; they
plied their weapons with good effect, blow upon blow. Order was pitted
against disorder, preparation against disarray. When, however, those who
escaped from the thick of the business had retired to the nearest rising
ground, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, who might have taken as many heavy,
or light, infantry of the allies as he wanted, and thus have held the
position (no bad one, since it enabled him to get his supplies safely
enough from Cenchreae), failed to do so. On the contrary, and in spite
of the great perplexity of the Thebans as to how they were to get down
from the high level facing Sicyon or else retire the way they came,
the Spartan general made a truce, which in the opinion of the majority,
seemed more in favour of the Thebans than himself, and so he withdrew
his division and fell back.
(13) Lit. "thirty stades."
(14) Or, "intent on their personal concerns." See "Hell." II. iv. 6;
"Hipparch." vii. 12.
The Thebans were now free to descend without hindrance, which they did;
and, effecting a junction with their allies the Arcadians, Argives,
and Eleians, at once attacked (15) Sicyon and Pellene, and, marching on
Epidaurus, laid waste the whole territory of that people. Returning from
that exploit with a consummate disdain for all their opponents, when
they found themselves near the city of Corinth they advanced at the
double against the gate facing towards Phlius; intending if they found
it open to rush in. However, a body of light troops sallied out of the
city to the rescue, and met the advance of the Theban picked corps (16)
not one hundred and fifty yards (17) from the walls. Mounting on the
monuments and commanding eminences, with volleys of sling stones and
arrows they laid low a pretty large number in the van of the attack,
and routing them, gave chase for three or four furlongs' (18) distance.
After this incident the Corinthians dragged the corpses of the slain
to the wall, and finally gave them up under a flag of truce, erecting a
trophy to record the victory. As a result of this occurrence the allies
of the Lacedaemonians took fresh heart.
(15) And took (apparently); see below; Diod. xv. 69.
(16) See "Anab." III. iv. 43; and above, "Hell." V. iii. 23.
(17) Lit. "four plethra."
(18) LIt. "three or four stades."
At the date of the above transactions the Lacedeamonians were cheered by
the arrival of a naval reinforcement from Dionysius, consisting of more
than twenty warships, which conveyed a body of Celts and Iberians and
about fifty cavalry. The day following, the Thebans and the rest of the
allies, posted, at intervals, in battle order, and completely filling
the flat land down to the sea on one side, and up to the knolls on
the other which form the buttresses of the city, proceeded to destroy
everything precious they could lay their hands on in the plain. The
Athenian and Corinthian cavalry, eyeing the strength, physical and
numerical, of their antagonists, kept at a safe distance from their
armament. But the little body of cavalry lately arrived from Dionysius
spread out in a long thin line, and one at one point and one at another
galloped along the front, discharging their missiles as they dashed
forward, and when the enemy rushed against them, retired, and again
wheeling about, showered another volley. Even while so engaged they
would dismount from their horses and take breath; and if their foemen
galloped up while they were so dismounted, in an instant they had leapt
on their horses' backs and were in full retreat. Or if, again, a party
pursued them some distance from the main body, as soon as they turned to
retire, they would press upon them, and discharging volleys of missiles,
made terrible work, forcing the whole army to advance and retire, merely
to keep pace with the movements of fifty horsemen.
B.C. 369-368. After this the Thebans remained only a few more days
and then turned back homewards; and the rest likewise to their several
homes. Thereupon the troops sent by Dionysius attacked Sicyon. Engaging
the Sicyonians in the flat country, they defeated them, killing about
seventy men and capturing by assault the fortres of Derae. (19) After
these achievements this first reinforcement from Dionysius re-embarked
and set sail for Syracuse.
(19) "East of Sicyon was Epieiceia (see above, "Hell." IV. ii. 14, iv.
13) on the river Nemea. In the same direction was the fortress
Derae." ("Dict. Anct. Geog." "Topography of Sicyonia"), al. Gerae.
So Leake ("Morea," iii. 376), who conjectures that this fortress
was in the maritime plain.
Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from
Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to
campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain Lycomedes,
(20) a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and position
to none, while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man of high
ambition. This man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high thoughts
by reminding them that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was in
a literal sense a fatherland; since they and they alone were the
indigenous inhabitants of its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock
the largest among the Hellenic tribes--a good stock, moreover, and of
incomparable physique. And then he set himself to panegyrise them as the
bravest of the brave, adducing as evidence, if evidence were needed,
the patent fact, that every one in need of help invariably turned to
the Arcadians. (21) Never in old days had the Lacedaemonians yet invaded
Athens without the Arcadians. "If then," he added, "you are wise, you
will be somewhat chary of following at the beck and call of anybody,
or it will be the old story again. As when you marched in the train
of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so to-day, if you follow Theban
guidance without thought or purpose instead of claiming a division of
the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in her only a second
edition of Lacedaemon." (22)
(20) For the plan of an Arcadian Federation and the part played by
Lycomedes, its true author, "who certainly merits thereby a high
place among the statesmen of Greece," see Freeman, "Hist. Fed.
Gov." ch. iv. p. 199 foll.
(21) For this claim on the part of the Arcadians, see "Anab." VI. ii.
10 foll.
(22) Or, "Lacedaemonians under another name."
These words uttered in the ears of the Arcadians were sufficient to puff
them up with pride. They were lavish in their love of Lycomedes, and
thought there was no one his equal. He became their hero; he had only
to give his orders, and they appointed their magistrates (23) at his
bidding. But, indeed, a series of brilliant exploits entitled the
Arcadians to magnify themselves. The first of these arose out of an
invasion of Epidaurus by the Argives, which seemed likely to end in
their finding their escape barred by Chabrias and his foreign brigade
with the Athenians and Corinthians. Only, at the critical moment the
Arcadians came to the rescue and extricated the Argives, who were
closely besieged, and this in spite not only of the enemy, but of the
savage nature of the ground itself. Again they marched on Asine (24) in
Laconian territory, and defeated the Lacedaemonian garrison, putting
the polemarch Geranor, who was a Spartan, to the sword, and sacking the
suburbs of the town. Indeed, whenever or wherever they had a mind to
send an invading force, neither night nor wintry weather, nor length of
road nor mountain barrier could stay their march. So that at this date
they regarded their prowess as invincible. (25) The Thebans, it will be
understood, could not but feel a touch of jealousy at these pretensions,
and their former friendship to the Arcadians lost its ardour. With the
Eleians, indeed, matters were worse. The revelation came to them when
they demanded back from the Arcadians certain cities (26) of which the
Lacedaemonians had deprived them. They discovered that their views
were held of no account, but that the Triphylians and the rest who had
revolted from them were to be made much of, because they claimed to
be Arcadians. (27) Hence, as contrasted with the Thebans, the Eleians
cherished feelings towards their late friends which were positively
hostile.
(23) {arkhontas}, see below, "Hell." VII. iv. 33. The formal title of
these Federal magistrates may or may not have been {arkhontes};
Freeman, "H. F. G." 203, note 6.
(24) See Grote, "H. G." x. 356.
(25) Or, "regarded themselves as the very perfection of soldiery."
(26) In reference to "Hell." III. ii. 25 foll., see Freeman, op. cit.
p. 201, and below, "Hell." VII. iv. 12 (B.C. 365); Busolt, op.
cit. p. 186 foll., in reference to Lasion.
(27) Busolt, p. 150.
B.C. 368. Self-esteem amounting to arrogance--such was the spirit which
animated each section of the allies, when a new phase was introduced by
the arrival of Philiscus (28) of Abydos on an embassy from Ariobarzanes
(29) with large sums of money. This agent's first step was to assemble
a congress of Thebans, allies, and Lacedaemonians at Delphi to treat
of peace. On their arrival, without attempting to communicate or take
counsel with the god as to how peace might be re-established, they fell
to deliberating unassisted; and when the Thebans refused to acquiesce
in the dependency of Messene (30) upon Lacedaemon, Philiscus set about
collecting a large foreign brigade to side with Lacedaemon and to
prosecute the war.
(28) See Hicks, 84, p. 152; Kohler, "C. I. A." ii. 51; Grote, "H. G."
x. 357; Curtius, "H. G." (Eng. tr.) iv. 458; Diod. xv. 90.
(29) See above, V. i. 28; "Ages." ii. 26.
(30) See Hicks, 86.
Whilst these matters were still pending, the second reinforcements from
Dionysius (31) arrived. There was a difference of opinion as to where
the troops should be employed, the Athenians insisting that they ought
to march into Thessaly to oppose the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians being
in favour of Laconia; and among the allies this latter opinion carried
the day. The reinforcement from Dionysius accordingly sailed round to
Laconia, where Archidamus incorporated them with the state troops and
opened the campaign. Caryae he took by storm, and put every one captured
to the sword, and from this point marching straight upon the Parrhasians
of Arcadia, he set about ravaging the country along with his Syracusan
supporters.
(31) See above, SS. 20, 22, p. 191 foll. The date is B.C. 368
according to Grote, "H. G." x. 362 foll.; al. B.C. 367.
Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he
retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea. (32) While he was
there, Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from
Dionysius, made the announcement that the period for his stay abroad had
elapsed; and the words were no sooner out of his lips than off he set on
the road to Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected without
delays, for he was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at a narrow
pass, and was forced in these straits to send to Archidamus and beg for
assistance, which the latter tendered. When they had got as far as the
bend (33) on the road to Eutresia, there were the Arcadians and Argives
advancing upon Laconia and apparently intending, like the Messenians, to
shut the Spartan off from the homeward road.
(32) Or, "Melea," or "Malea." E. Curtius conjectures {Meleas} for
{Medeas} of the MSS., and probably the place referred to is the
township of Malea in the Aegytis (Pausan. VIII. xxvii. 4); see
above, "Hell." VI. v. 24, "the Maleatid." See Dind. "Hist. Gr.,"
Ox. MDCCCLIII., note ad loc.; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 459; Grote, "H.
G." x. 362.
(33) Or, "the resting-place"; cf. mod. "Khan." L. and S. cf. Arist.
"Frogs," 113. "Medea," below, is probably "Malea," (see last
note).
Archidamus, debouching upon a flat space of ground where the roads to
Eutresia and Medea converge, drew up his troops and offered battle. When
happened then is thus told:--He passed in front of the regiments and
addressed them in terms of encouragement thus: "Fellow-citizens, the day
has come which calls upon us to prove ourselves brave men and look the
world in the face with level eyes. (34) Now are we to deliver to those
who come after us our fatherland intact as we received it from our
fathers; now will we cease hanging our heads in shame before our
children and wives, our old men and our foreign friends, in sight
of whom in days of old we shone forth conspicuous beyond all other
Hellenes."
(34) See Plut. "Ages." 53 (Clough, vol. iv. p. 41).
The words were scarcely uttered (so runs the tale), when out of
the clear sky came lightnings and thunderings, (35) with propitious
manifestation to him; and it so happened that on his right wing there
stood a sacred enclosure and a statue of Heracles, his great ancestor.
As the result of all these things, so deep a strength and courage came
into the hearts of his soldiers, as they tell, that the generals had
hard work to restrain their men as they pushed forward to the front.
Presently, when Archidamus led the advance, a few only of the enemy
cared to await them at the spear's point, and were slain; the mass of
them fled, and fleeing fell. Many were cut down by the cavalry, many
by the Celts. When the battle ceased and a trophy had been erected, the
Spartan at once despatched home Demoteles, the herald, with the news. He
had to announce not only the greatness of the victory, but the startling
fact that, while the enemy's dead were numerous, not one single
Lacedaemonian had been slain. (36) Those in Sparta to whom the news was
brought, as says the story, when they heard it, one and all, beginning
with Agesilaus, and, after him, the elders and the ephors, wept for
joy--so close akin are tears to joy and pain alike. There were others
hardly less pleased than the Lacedaemonians themselves at the
misfortune which had overtaken the Arcadians: these were the Thebans and
Eleians--so offensive to them had the boastful behaviour of these men
become.
(35) See Xen. "Apolog." 12; Homer, "Il." ii. 353; "Od." xx. 113 foll.
(36) According to Diod. xv. 72, ten thousand of the enemy fell.
The problem perpetually working in the minds of the Thebans was how they
were to compass the headship of Hellas; and they persuaded themselves
that, if they sent an embassy to the King of Persia, they could not but
gain some advantage by his help. Accordingly they did not delay, but
called together the allies, on the plea that Euthycles the Lacedaemonian
was already at the Persian court. The commissioners sent up were, on
the part of the Thebans, Pelopidas; (37) on the part of the Arcadians,
Antiochus, the pancratiast; and on that of the Eleians, Archidamus.
There was also an Argive in attendance. The Athenians on their side,
getting wind of the matter, sent up two commissioners, Timagoras and
Leon.
(37) See Plut. "Pelop." 30 (Clough, vol. ii. p. 230). For the date see
Grote, "H. G." x. 365, 379; Curtius, "H. G." iv. 460.
When they arrived at the Persian court the influence of Pelopidas was
preponderant with the Persian. He could point out that, besides the fact
that the Thebans alone among all the Hellenes had fought on the king's
side at Plataeae, (38) they had never subsequently engaged in military
service against the Persians; nay, the very ground of Lacedaemonian
hostility to them was that they had refused to march against the Persian
king with Agesilaus, (39) and would not even suffer him to sacrifice to
Artemis at Aulis (where Agamemnon sacrificed before he set sail for Asia
and captured Troy). In addition, there were two things which contributed
to raise the prestige of Thebes, and redounded to the honour of
Pelopidas. These were the victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, and the
indisputable fact that they had invaded and laid waste the territory of
Laconia. Pelopidas went on to point out that the Argives and Arcadians
had lately been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, when his own
countrymen were not there to assist. The Athenian Timagoras supported
all these statements of the Theban by independent testimony, and stood
second in honour after Pelopidas.
(38) See Thuc. iii. 58, 59, 60.
(39) See above, "Hell." III. iv. 3; Lincke, "Zur. Xen. Krit." p. 315.
At this point of the proceedings Pelopidas was asked by the king, what
special clause he desired inserted in the royal rescript. He replied as
follows: "Messene to be independent of Lacedaemon, and the Athenians
to lay up their ships of war. Should either power refuse compliance in
these respects, such refusal to be a casus belli; and any state refusing
to take part in the military proceedings consequent, to be herself the
first object of attack." These clauses were drawn up and read to the
ambassadors, when Leon, in the hearing of the king, exclaimed: "Upon my
word! Athenians, it strikes me it is high time you looked for some other
friend than the great king." The secretary reported the comment of the
Athenian envoy, and produced presently an altered copy of the document,
with a clause inserted: "If the Athenians have any better and juster
views to propound, let them come to the Persian court and explain them."
(40)
(40) See Grote, "H. G." x. 402; and "Ages." viii. 3.
Thus the ambassadors returned each to his own home and were variously
received. Timagoras, on the indictment of Leon, who proved that his
fellow-commissioner not only refused to lodge with him at the king's
court, but in every way played into the hands of Pelopidas, was put to
death. Of the other joint commissioners, the Eleian, Archidamus, was
loud in his praises of the king and his policy, because he had shown
a preference to Elis over the Arcadians; while for a converse reason,
because the Arcadian league was slighted, Antiochus not only refused to
accept any gift, but brought back as his report to the general assembly
of the Ten Thousand, (41) that the king appeared to have a large army of
confectioners and pastry-cooks, butlers and doorkeepers; but as for
men capable of doing battle with Hellenes, he had looked carefully, and
could not discover any. Besides all which, even the report of his wealth
seemed to him, he said, bombastic nonsense. "Why, the golden plane-tree
that is so belauded is not big enough to furnish shade to a single
grasshopper." (42)
(41) See above, VI. v. 6; Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." 202; Demosth. "F.
L." 220, etc.
(42) Or, "the golden plane-tree they romance about would not suffice
to," etc.
At Thebes a conference of the states had been convened to listen to the
great king's letter. The Persian who bore the missive merely pointed
to the royal seal, and read the document; whereupon the Thebans invited
all, who wished to be their friends, to take an oath to what they had
just heard, as binding on the king and on themselves. To which the
ambassadors from the states replied that they had been sent to listen to
a report, not to take oaths; if oaths were wanted, they recommended
the Thebans to send ambassadors to the several states. The Arcadian
Lycomedes, moreover, added that the congress ought not to be held at
Thebes at all, but at the seat of war, wherever that might be. This
remark brought down the wrath of the Thebans on the speaker; they
exclaimed that he was bent on breaking up the alliance. Whereupon the
Arcadian refused to take a seat in the congress at all, and got up
and betook himself off there and then, accompanied by all the Arcadian
envoys. Since, therefore, the assembled representatives refused to take
the oaths at Thebes, the Thebans sent to the different states, one by
one in turn, urging each to undertake solemnly to act in accordance with
the great king's rescript. They were persuaded that no individual state
would venture to quarrel with themselves and the Persian monarch at
once. As a matter of fact, however, when they arrived at Corinth--which
was the first stated vist--the Corinthians stood out and gave as their
answer, that they had no desire for any common oath or undertaking with
the king. The rest of the states followed suit, giving answers of
a similar tenor, so that this striving after empire on the part of
Pelopidas and the Thebans melted like a cloud-castle into air.
B.C. 367. (43) But Epaminondas was bent on one more effort. With a view
to forcing the Arcadians and the rest of the allies to pay better heed
to Thebes, he desired first to secure the adhesion of the Achaeans,
and decided to march an army into Achaea. Accordingly, he persuaded the
Argive Peisias, who was at the head of military affairs in Argos, to
seize and occupy Oneion in advance. Persias, having ascertained that
only a sorry guard was maintained over Oneion by Naucles, the general
commanding the Lacedaemonian foreign brigade, and by Timomachus the
Athenian, under cover of night seized and occupied with two thousand
heavy infantry the rising ground above Cenchreae, taking with him
provisions for seven days. Within the interval the Thebans arrived
and surmounted the pass of Oneion; whereupon the allied troops with
Epaminondas at their head, advanced into Achaea. The result of the
campaign was that the better classes of Achaea gave in their adhesion
to him; and on his personal authority Epaminondas insisted that there
should be no driving of the aristocrats into exile, nor any modification
of the constitution. He was content to take a pledge of fealty from the
Achaeans to this effect: "Verily and indeed we will be your allies, and
follow whithersoever the Thebans lead." (44)
(43) B.C. 367, according to Grote, "H. G." x. 365, note 1; al. B.C.
366.
(44) See Freeman, "Hist. Fed. Gov." p. 241: "We read of local
oligarchies (in the several cities of Achaia) which Epameinondas
found and left in possession, but which the home government of
Thebes thought good to expel, and to substitute democracies under
the protection of Theban harmosts. This policy did not answer, as
the large bodies of exiles thus formed contrived to recover the
cities, and to bring them to a far more decided Spartan
partisanship than before."
So he departed home. The Arcadians, however, and the partisans of the
opposite faction in Thebes were ready with an indictment against him:
"Epaminondas," they said, "had merely swept and garnished Achaea for the
Lacedaemonians, and then gone off." The Thebans accordingly resolved
to send governors (45) into the states of Achaea; and those officers on
arrival joined with the commonalty and drove out the better folk,
and set up democracies throughout Achaea. On their side, these exiles
coalesced, and, marching upon each separate state in turn, for they
were pretty numerous, speedily won their restoration and dominated the
states. As the party thus reinstated no longer steered a middle course,
but went heart and soul into an alliance with Lacedaemon, the Arcadians
found themselves between the upper and the nether millstone--that is to
say, the Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans.
(45) Lit. "harmosts."
At Sicyon, hitherto, (46) the constitution was based on the ancient
laws; but at this date Euphron (who during the Lacedaemonian days had
been the greatest man in Sicyon, and whose ambition it was to hold
a like pre-eminence under their opponents) addressed himself to the
Argives and Arcadians as follows: "If the wealthiest classes should ever
come into power in Sicyon, without a doubt the city would take the first
opportunity of readopting a Laconian policy; whereas, if a democracy be
set up," he added, "you may rest assured Sicyon will hold fast by you.
All I ask you is to stand by me; I will do the rest. It is I who will
call a meeting of the people; and by that selfsame act I shall give
you a pledge of my good faith and present you with a state firm in
its alliance. All this, be assured," he added, "I do because, like
yourselves, I have long ill brooked the pride of Lacedaemon, and shall
be glad to escape the yoke of bondage."
(46) See Grote, "H. G." x. 379.
These proposals found favour with the Arcadians and the Argives,
who gladly gave the assistance demanded. Euphron straightway, in
the market-place, in the presence of the two powers concerned,
(47) proceeded to convene the Demos, as if there were to be a new
constitution, based on the principle of equality. (48) When the
convention met, he bade them appoint generals: they might choose
whom they liked. Whereupon they elected Euphron himself, Hippodamus,
Cleander, Acrisius, and Lysander. When these matters were arranged he
appointed Adeas, his own son, over the foreign brigade, in place of the
former commander, Lysimenes, whom he removed. His next step was promptly
to secure the fidelity of the foreign mercenaries by various acts of
kindness, and to attach others; and he spared neither the public nor the
sacred moneys for this object. He had, to aid him, further, the property
of all the citizens whom he exiled on the ground of Laconism, and
of this without scruple he in every case availed himself. As for his
colleagues in office, some he treacherously put to death, others he
exiled, by which means he got everything under his own power, and was
now a tyrant without disguise. The method by which he got the allies to
connive at his doings was twofold. Partly he worked on them by pecuniary
aid, partly by the readiness with which he lent the support of his
foreign troops on any campaign to which they might invite him.
(47) Lit. "the Argives and the Arcadians."
(48) Lit. "on fair and equal terms." See Thuc. v. 79.
II
B.C. 366. Matters had so far progressed that the Argives had already
fortified the Trikaranon above the Heraion as an outpost to threaten
Phlius, while the Sicyonians were engaged in fortifying Thyamia (1)
on their frontier; and between the two the Phliasians were severely
pinched. They began to suffer from dearth of necessaries; but, in
spite of all, remained unshaken in their alliance. It is the habit of
historians, I know, to record with admiration each noble achievement of
the larger powers, but to me it seems a still more worthy task to bring
to light the great exploits of even a little state found faithful in the
performance of fair deeds.
(1) "Thyamia is placed by Ross on the lofty hill of Spiria, the
northern prolongation of Tricaranum, between the villages Stimanga
and Skrapani."--"Dict. Anct. Geog." "Phlius."
B.C. 370-369. Now these Phliasians were friends of Lacedaemon while at
the zenith of her power. After her disaster on the field of Leuctra,
when many of the Perioeci, and the helots to a man, revolted; when, more
than that, the allies, save only quite a few, forsook her; (2) and
when united Hellas, so to speak, was marching on her--these Phliasians
remained stanch in their allegiance; and, in spite of the hostility of
the most powerful states of the Peloponnese, to wit the Arcardians and
the Argives, they insisted on coming to her aid. It fell to their lot
to cross into Prasiae as the rearguard of the reinforcements, which
consisted of the men of Corinth, of Epidaurus and of Troezen, of
Hermione, Halieis, and Sicyon and Pellene, in the days before any of
these had revolted. (3) Not even when the commander of the foreign
brigade, picking up the divisions already across, left them behind and
was gone--not even so did they flinch or turn back, but hired a guide
from Prasiae, and though the enemy was massed round Amyclae, slipped
through his ranks, as best they could, and so reached Sparta. It was
then that the Lacedaemonians, besides other honours conferred upon them,
sent them an ox as a gift of hospitality.
(2) See above, "VI." v. 29.
(3) See "Hell." VII. i. 18.
B.C. 369. Later on, when the enemy had retired from Laconia, the
Argives, ill brooking so much zeal for Lacedaemon on the part of Phlius,
marched in full force against the little state, and fell to ravaging
their territory. Even then they remained undaunted; and when the enemy
turned to retire, destroying all that he could lay hands upon, out
dashed the cavalry of the Phliasians and dogged his retreat. And
notwithstanding that the Argive's rear consisted of the whole of his
cavalry, with some companies of infantry to support them, they attacked
him, sixty in number, and routed his whole rearguard. They slew, indeed,
but a few of them; but, having so slain that handful, they paused and
erected a trophy in full sight of the Argive army with as little concern
as if they had cut down their enemies to a man.
Once again the Lacedaemonians and their allies were guarding Oneion, (4)
and the Thebans were threatening to scale the pass. The Arcadians and
Eleians (5) were moving forwards through Nemea to effect a junction with
the Thebans, when a hint was conveyed to them by some Phliasian exiles,
"Only show yourselves before Phlius and the town is yours." An agreement
was made, and in the dead of night a party consisting of the exiles
themselves and others with them, about six hundred in number, planted
themselves close under the walls with scaling-ladders. Presently the
scouts from the Trikaranon signalled to the city that the enemy was
advancing. The citizens were all attention; their eyes fixed upon their
scouts. Meanwhile the traitors within were likewise signalling to those
seated under lee of the walls "to scale"; and these, scaling up, seized
the arms of the guards, which they found abandoned, and fell to pursuing
the day sentinels, ten in number (one out of each squad of five being
always left on day duty). (6) One of these was put to the sword as he
lay asleep, and a second as he was escaping to the Heraion; but the
other eight day-pickets leapt down the wall on the side towards the
city, one after another. The scaling party now found themselves in
undisputed possession of the citadel. But the shouting had reached the
city below: the citizens rallied to the rescue; and the enemy began by
sallying forth from the citadel, and did battle in the forefront of the
gate leading down to the city. By and by, being strongly beleaguered
by the ever-increasing reinforcements of the citizens, they retired,
falling back upon the citadel; and the citizens along with the enemy
forced their way in. The centre of the citadel was speedily deserted;
for the enemy scaled the walls and towers, and showered blows and
missiles upon the citizens below. These defended themselves from the
ground, or pressed the encounter home by climbing the ladders which led
to the walls. Once masters of certain towers on this side and the other
of the invaders, the citizens came to close quarters with them with
reckless desperation. The invaders, pushed and pommelled by dint of such
audacity and hard hitting, were cooped up like sheep into narrower
and narrower space. But at that critical moment the Arcadians and the
Argives were circling round the city, and had begun to dig through the
walls of the citadel from its upper side. (7) Of the citizens inside
some were beating down their assailants on the wall; (8) others,
those of them who were climbing up from outside and were still on the
scaling-ladders, whilst a third set were delivering battle against
those who had mounted the towers. These last had found fire in the
men's quarters, and were engaged in setting the towers and all ablaze,
bringing up sheaves of corn and grass--an ample harvesting, as luck
would have it, garnered off the citadel itself. Thereupon the occupants
of the towers, in terror of the flames, leapt down one by one, while
those on the walls, under the blows of the defenders, tumbled off with
similar expedition; and as soon as they had once begun to yield, the
whole citadel, in almost less time than it takes to tell, was cleared of
the enemy. In an instant out dashed the cavalry, and the enemy, seeing
them, beat a hasty retreat, leaving behind scaling-ladders and dead,
besides some comrades hopelessly maimed. In fact, the enemy, what
between those who were slain inside and those who leapt from the walls,
lost not less than eighty men. And now it was a goodly sight to see the
brave men grasp one another by the hand and pledge each other on their
preservation, whilst the women brought them drink and cried for joy. Not
one there present but in very sooth was overcome by laughter mixed with
tears. (9)
(4) B.C. 369? al. B.C. 368. See above, "Hell." VII. i. 15; Grote, "H.
G." x. 346.
(5) See above, "Hell." VII. i. 18, and below, S. 8.
(6) Or, "one member of both the squads of five was left behind"--i.e.
two out of the ten could not keep up with the rest in their
flight, and were taken and killed; one indeed had not started, but
was killed in sleep.
(7) Or, "downwards" (L. and S.); or, "in front," "von vorn" (Buchs).
(8) Reading, {tous eti toi teikhous}. See Otto Keller for various
emendations of the passage.
(9) In true Homeric fashion, as Pollux (ii. 64) observes. See Homer,
"Il." vi. 484. See above, VII. i. 32; "Cyrop." VII. v. 32;
"Hiero," iii. 5; "Sym." ii. 24; "Antony and Cleopatra," III. ii.
43.
Next year also (10) Phlius was invaded by the Argives and all the
Arcadians. The reason of this perpetually-renewed attack on Phlius is
not far to seek: partly it was the result of spleen, partly the little
township stood midway between them, and they cherished the hope that
through want of the necessaries of life they would bring it over.
During this invasion the cavalry and the picked troop of the Phliasians,
assisted by some Athenian knights, made another famous charge at the
crossing of the river. (11) They made it so hot for the enemy that for
the rest of that day he was forced to retire under the mountain ridges,
and to hold aloof as if afraid to trample down the corn-crops of a
friendly people on the flat below.
(10) B.C. 368 (or 367).
(11) The Asopus.
Again another time (12) the Theban commander in Sicyon marched out
against Phlius, taking with him the garrison under his personal command,
with the Sicyonians and Pellenians (for at the date of the incident
these states followed in the wake of Thebes). Euphron was there also
with his mercenaries, about two thousand in number, to share the
fortunes of the field. The mass of the troops began their descent on the
Heraion by the Trikaranon, intending to ravage the flat bottom below. At
the gate leading to Corinth the Theban general left his Sicyonians and
Pellenians on the height, to prevent the Phliasians getting behind him
at this point and so over the heads of his troops as they lay at the
Heraion beneath. (13) As soon as the citizens of Phlius found that
hostile troops were advancing on their corn-land, out dashed the cavalry
with the chosen band of the Phliasians and gave battle, not suffering
the enemy to penetrate into the plain. The best part of the day was
spent in taking long shots at one another on that field; Euphron pushing
his attack down to the point where cavalry could operate, the citizens
retaliating as far as the Heraion. Presently the time to withdraw
had come, and the enemy began to retire, following the circle of the
Trikaranon; the short cut to reach the Pellenians being barred by the
ravine which runs in front of the walls. The Phliasians escorted their
retreating foes a little way up the steep, and then turning off dashed
along the road beside the walls, making for the Pellenians and those
with them; whereupon the Theban, perceiving the haste of the Phliasians,
began racing with his infantry to outspeed them and bring succour to the
Pellenians. The cavalry, however, arrived first and fell to attacking
the Pellenians, who received and withstood the shock, and the cavalry
drew back. A second time they charged, and were supported by some
infantry detachments, which had now come up. It ended in a hand-to-hand
fight; and eventually the enemy gave way. On the field lay dead some
Sicyonians, and of the Pellenians many a good man. In record of the feat
the Phliasians began to raise a trophy, as well they might; and loud and
clear the paean rang. As to the Theban and Euphron, they and all their
men stood by and stared at the proceedings, like men who had raced to
see a sight. After all was over the one party retired to Sicyon and the
other withdrew into their city.
(12) B.C. 367 (or 366).
(13) Lit. "above the Heraion" (where his main body lay).
That too was another noble exploit of the Phliasians, when they took the
Pellenian Proxenus prisoner and, although suffering from scarcity at the
time, sent him back without a ransom. "As generous as brave," such is
their well-earned title who were capable of such performance.
The heroic resolution with which these men maintained their loyalty to
their friends is manifest. When excluded from the fruits of their own
soil, they contrived to live, partly by helping themselves from the
enemy's territory, partly by purchasing from Corinth, though to reach
that market they must run the gauntlet of a thousand risks; and having
reached it their troubles began afresh. There were difficulties
in providing the requisite sum, difficulties in arranging with the
purveyors, and it was barely possible to find sureties for the very
beasts which should carry home their marketing. They had reached the
depth of despair, and were absolutely at a loss what to do, when they
arranged with Chares to escort their convoy. Once safe inside Phlius,
they begged him to help them to convey their useless and sick folk to
Pellene. (14) These they left at that place; and after making purchases
and packing as many beasts of burthen as they could, they set off to
return in the night, not in ignorance that they would be laid in wait
for by the enemy, but persuaded that the want of provisions was a worse
evil than mere fighting.
(14) What is the date of this incident? See above, "Hell." VII. ii. 3;
below VII. iv. 17.
The men of Phlius pushed forward with Chares; presently they stumbled on
the enemy and at once grappled to their work. Pressing hard on the foe,
they called cheerily to one another, and shouted at the same time to
Chares to bring up his aid. In short, the victory was theirs; and the
enemy was driven off the road; and so they got themselves and their
supplies safely home. The long night-watching superinduced sleep which
lasted well into the next day. But Chares was no sooner out of bed then
he was accosted by the cavalry and the pick of the heavy infantry with
the following appeal: "Chares, to-day you have it in your power to
perform the noblest deed of arms. The Sicyonians are fortifying an
outpost on our borders, they have plenty of stone-masons but a mere
handful of hoplites. We the knights of Phlius and we the flower of our
infantry force will lead the way; and you shall follow after with your
mercenaries. Perhaps when you appear on the scene you will find the
whole thing finished, or perhaps your coming will send the enemy flying,
as happened at Pellene. If you do not like the sound of these proposals,
sacrifice and take counsel of the gods. Our belief is that the gods
will bid you yet more emphatically than we to take this step. Only this,
Chares, you must well consider, that if you do take it you will have
established an outpost on the enemy's frontier; you will have saved
from perdition a friendly city; you will win eternal glory in your own
fatherland; and among friends and foes alike no name will be heralded
with louder praise than that of Chares."
Chares was persuaded, and proceeded to offer sacrifice. Meanwhile the
Phliasian cavalry were donning their breastplates and bridling their
horses, and the heavy infantry made every preparation for the march.
Then they took their arms, fell into line, and tramped off to the place
of sacrifice. Chares with the soothsayer stepped forward to meet them,
announcing that the victims were favourable. "Only wait for us," they
exclaimed; "we will sally forth with you at once." The heralds' cry
"To arms!" was sounded, and with a zeal which was almost miraculous the
mercenaries themselves rushed out. As soon as Chares began the march,
the Phliasian cavalry and infantry got in front of him. At first they
led off at a smart pace; presently they began to bowl (15) along more
quickly, and finally the cavalry were tearing over the ground might and
main, whilst the infantry, at the greatest pace compatible with keeping
their ranks, tore after them; and behind them, again, came Chares
zealously following up in their rear. There only remained a brief
interval of daylight before the sun went down, and they came upon the
enemy in the fortress, some washing, some cooking a savoury meal, others
kneading their bread, others making their beds. These, when they saw
the vehemence of the attack, at once, in utter panic, took to flight,
leaving behind all their provisions for the brave fellows who took their
place. They, as their reward, made a fine supper off these stores and
others which had come from home, pouring out libations for their good
fortune and chanting the battle-hymn; after which they posted pickets
for the night and slumbered well. The messenger with the news of their
success at Thyamia arrived at Corinth in the night. The citizens of that
state with hearty friendship at once ordered out by herald all the
oxen and beasts of burthen, which they loaded with food and brought to
Phlius; and all the while the fortress was building day by day these
convoys of food were duly despatched.
(15) See "Anab." VII. iii. 46.
III
But on this topic enough, perhaps, has been said to demonstrate the
loyalty of the men of Phlius to their friends, their bravery in war,
and, lastly, their steadfastness in maintaining their alliance in spite
of famine.
B.C. 367-366. It seems to have been somewhere about this date that
Aeneas the Stymphalian, (1) who had become general of the Arcadians,
finding that the state of affairs in Sicyon was intolerable, marched
up with his army into the acropolis. Here he summoned a meeting of the
Sicyonian aristocrats already within the walls, and sent to fetch
those others who had been banished without a decree of the people. (2)
Euphron, taking fright at these proceedings, fled for safety to the
harbour-town of Sicyon. Hither he summoned Pasimelus from Corinth, and
by his instrumentality handed over the harbour to the Lacedaemonians.
Once more reappearing in his old character, he began to pose as an ally
of Sparta. He asserted that his fidelity to Lacedaemon had never been
interrupted; for when the votes were given in the city whether Sicyon
should give up her allegiance to Lacedaemon, "I, with one or two
others," said he, "voted against the measure; but afterwards these
people betrayed me, and in my desire to avenge myself on them I set up
a democracy. At present all traitors to yourselves are banished--I have
seen to that. If only I could get the power into my own hands, I would
go over to you, city and all, at once. All that I can do at present,
I have done; I have surrendered to you this harbour." That was what
Euphron said to his audience there, but of the many who heard his words,
how many really believed his words is by no means evident. However,
since I have begun the story of Euphron, I desire to bring it to its
close.
(1) Is this man the famous writer {o taktikos}, a portion of whose
works, the "Treatise on Siege Operations," has been preserved
(recently re-edited by Arnold Hug--"Commentarius Poliorceticus,"
Lips. Trubner, 1884)? So Casaubon supposed. Cf. "Com. Pol." 27,
where the writer mentions {paneia} as the Arcadian term for
"panics." Readers of the "Anabasis" will recollect the tragic end
of another Aeneas, also of Stymphalus, an Arcadian officer. On the
official title {strategos} (general), Freeman ("Hist. Fed. Gov."
204) notes that "at the head of the whole League there seems to
have been, as in so many other cases, a single Federal general."
Cf. Diod. xv. 62.
(2) See above, VII. i. 46.
Faction and party strife ran high in Sicyon between the better classes
and the people, when Euphron, getting a body of foreign troops from
Athens, once more obtained his restoration. The city, with the help of
the commons, he was master of, but the Theban governor held the citadel.
Euphron, perceiving that he would never be able to dominate the state
whilst the Thebans held the acropolis, collected money and set off to
Thebes, intending to persuade the Thebans to expel the aristocrats and
once again to hand over the city to himself. But the former exiles,
having got wind of this journey of his, and of the whole intrigue, set
off themselves to Thebes in front of him. (3) When, however, they
saw the terms of intimacy on which he associated with the Theban
authorities, in terror of his succeeding in his mission some of them
staked their lives on the attempt and stabbed Euphron in the Cadmeia,
where the magistrates and senate were seated. The magistrates, indeed,
could not but indict the perpetrators of the deed before the senate, and
spoke as follows:
(3) Or, "on an opposition journey." |
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