2014년 11월 23일 일요일

The Ancient History of the Egyptians, Carthaginian 2

The Ancient History of the Egyptians, Carthaginian 2


It must be confessed, that a sensible reader cannot, without astonishment,

see persons among the ancients in the highest repute for wisdom and

knowledge; generals who were the least liable to be influenced by popular

opinions, and most sensible how necessary it is to take advantage of

auspicious moments; the wisest councils of princes perfectly well skilled

in the arts of government; the most august assemblies of grave senators;

in a word, the most powerful and most learned nations in all ages; to see,

I say, all these so unaccountably weak, as to make to depend on these

trifling practices and absurd observances, the decision of the greatest

affairs, such as the declaring of war, the giving battle, or pursuing a

victory, deliberations that were of the utmost importance, and on which

the fate and welfare of kingdoms frequently depended.

 

But, at the same time, we must be so just as to own, that their manners,

customs, and laws, would not permit men, in these ages, to dispense with

the observation of these practices: that education, hereditary tradition

transmitted from immemorial time, the universal belief and consent of

different nations, the precepts, and even examples of philosophers; that

all these, I say, made the practices in question appear venerable in their

eyes: and that these ceremonies, how absurd soever they may appear to us,

and are really so in themselves, constituted part of the religion and

public worship of the ancients.

 

This religion was false, and this worship mistaken; yet the principle of

it was laudable, and founded in nature; the stream was corrupted, but the

fountain was pure. Man, assisted only by his own light, sees nothing

beyond the present moment. Futurity is to him an abyss invisible to the

most keen, the most piercing sagacity, and exhibits nothing on which he

may with certainty fix his views, or form his resolutions. He is equally

feeble and impotent with regard to the execution of his designs. He is

sensible, that he is dependent entirely on a Supreme Power, that disposes

all events with absolute authority, and which, in spite of his utmost

efforts, and of the wisdom of the best concerted schemes, by raising only

the smallest obstacles and slightest disappointments, renders it

impossible for him to execute his measures.

 

This obscurity and weakness oblige him to have recourse to a superior

knowledge and power: he is forced, both by his immediate wants, and the

strong desire he has to succeed in all his undertakings, to address that

Being who he is sensible has reserved to himself alone the knowledge of

futurity, and the power of disposing it as he sees fitting. He accordingly

directs prayers, makes vows, and offers sacrifices, to prevail, if

possible, with the Deity, to reveal himself, either in dreams, in oracles,

or other signs which may manifest his will; fully convinced that nothing

can happen but by the divine appointment; and that it is a man’s greatest

interest to know this supreme will, in order to conform his actions to it.

 

This religious principle of dependence on, and veneration of, the Supreme

Being, is natural to man: it is imprinted deep in his heart; he is

reminded of it, by the inward sense of his extreme indigence, and by all

the objects which surround him; and it may be affirmed, that this

perpetual recourse to the Deity, is one of the principal foundations of

religion and the strongest band by which man is united to his Creator.

 

Those who were so happy as to know the true God, and were chosen to be his

peculiar people, never failed to address him in all their wants and

doubts, in order to obtain his succour, and to know his will. He

accordingly vouchsafed to reveal himself to them; to conduct them by

apparitions, dreams, oracles, and prophecies; and to protect them by

miracles of the most astonishing kind.

 

But those who were so blind as to substitute falsehood in the place of

truth, directed themselves, for the like aid, to fictitious and deceitful

deities, who were not able to answer their expectations, nor recompense

the homage that mortals paid them, any otherwise than by error and

illusion, and a fraudulent imitation of the conduct of the true God.

 

Hence arose the vain observation of dreams, which, from a superstitious

credulity, they mistook for salutary warnings from Heaven; those obscure

and equivocal answers of oracles, beneath whose veil the spirits of

darkness concealed their ignorance; and, by a studied ambiguity, reserved

to themselves an evasion or subterfuge, whatever might be the event. To

this are owing the prognostics with regard to futurity, which men fancied

they should find in the entrails of beasts, in the flight and singing of

birds, in the aspect of the planets, in fortuitous accidents, and in the

caprice of chance; those dreadful prodigies that filled a whole nation

with terror, and which, it was believed, nothing could expiate but

mournful ceremonies, and even sometimes the effusion of human blood: in

fine, those black inventions of magic, those delusions, enchantments,

sorceries, invocations of ghosts, and many other kinds of divination.

 

All I have here related was a received usage, observed by the heathen

nations in general; and this usage was founded on the principles of that

religion of which I have given a short account. We have a signal proof of

this in that passage of the Cyropædia,(48) where Cambyses, the father of

Cyrus, gives that young prince such noble instructions; instructions

admirably well adapted to form the great captain, and great king. He

exhorts him, above all things, to pay the highest reverence to the gods;

and not to undertake any enterprise, whether important or inconsiderable,

without first calling upon and consulting them; he enjoins him to honour

the priests and augurs, as being their ministers and the interpreters of

their will, but yet not to trust or abandon himself so implicitly and

blindly to them, as not, by his own application, to learn every thing

relating to the science of divination, of auguries and auspices. The

reason which he gives for the subordination and dependence in which kings

ought to live with regard to the gods, and the benefit derived from

consulting them in all things, is this: How clear-sighted soever mankind

may be in the ordinary course of affairs, their views are always very

narrow and bounded with regard to futurity; whereas the Deity, at a single

glance, takes in all ages and events. “As the gods,” says Cambyses to his

son, “are eternal, they know equally all things, past, present, and to

come. With regard to the mortals who address them, they give salutary

counsels to those whom they are pleased to favour, that they may not be

ignorant of what things they ought, or ought not, to undertake. If it is

observed, that the deities do not give the like counsels to all men; we

are not to wonder at it, since no necessity obliges them to attend to the

welfare of those persons on whom they do not vouchsafe to confer their

favour.”

 

Such was the doctrine of the most learned and most enlightened nations,

with respect to the different kinds of divination; and it is no wonder

that the authors who wrote the history of those nations, thought it

incumbent on them to give an exact detail of such particulars as

constituted part of their religion and worship, and was frequently in a

manner the soul of their deliberations, and the standard of their conduct.

I therefore was of opinion, for the same reason, that it would not be

proper for me to omit entirely, in the ensuing history, what relates to

this subject, though I have however retrenched a great part of it.

 

Archbishop Usher is my usual guide in chronology. In the history of the

Carthaginians I commonly set down four æras: The year from the creation of

the world, which, for brevity’s sake, I mark thus, A.M.; those of the

foundation of Carthage and Rome; and lastly, the year before the birth of

our Saviour, which I suppose to be the 4004th year of the world; wherein I

follow Usher and others, though they suppose it to be four years earlier.

 

We shall now proceed to give the reader the proper preliminary information

concerning this Work, according to the order in which it is executed.

 

To know in what manner the states and kingdoms were founded, that have

divided the universe; the steps whereby they rose to that pitch of

grandeur related in history; by what ties families and cities were united,

in order to constitute one body or society, and to live together under the

same laws and a common authority; it will be necessary to trace things

back, in a manner, to the infancy of the world, and to those ages in which

mankind, being dispersed into different regions, (after the confusion of

tongues,) began to people the earth.

 

In these early ages every father was the supreme head of his family; the

arbiter and judge of whatever contests and divisions might arise within

it; the natural legislator over his little society; the defender and

protector of those, who, by their birth, education, and weakness, were

under his protection and safeguard, and whose interests paternal

tenderness rendered equally dear to him as his own.

 

But although these masters enjoyed an independent authority, they made a

mild and paternal use of it. So far from being jealous of their power,

they neither governed with haughtiness, nor decided with tyranny. As they

were obliged by necessity to associate their family in their domestic

labours, they also summoned them together, and asked their opinion in

matters of importance. In this manner all affairs were transacted in

concert, and for the common good.

 

The laws which paternal vigilance established in this little domestic

senate, being dictated with no other view than to promote the general

welfare; concerted with such children as were come to years of maturity,

and accepted by the inferiors with a full and free consent; were

religiously kept and preserved in families as an hereditary polity, to

which they owed their peace and security.

 

But different motives gave rise to different laws. One man, overjoyed at

the birth of a first-born son, resolved to distinguish him from his future

children, by bestowing on him a more considerable share of his

possessions, and giving him a greater authority in his family. Another,

more attentive to the interest of a beloved wife, or darling daughter whom

he wanted to settle in the world, thought it incumbent on him to secure

their rights and increase their advantages. The solitary and cheerless

state to which a wife would be reduced in case she should become a widow,

affected more intimately another man, and made him provide beforehand, for

the subsistence and comfort of a woman who formed his felicity. From these

different views, and others of the like nature, arose the different

customs of nations, as well as their rights, which are infinitely various.

 

In proportion as every family increased, by the birth of children, and

their marrying into other families, they extended their little domain, and

formed, by insensible degrees, towns and cities.

 

These societies growing, in process of time, very numerous; and the

families being divided into various branches, each of which had its head,

whose different interests and characters might interrupt the general

tranquillity; it was necessary to intrust one person with the government

of the whole, in order to unite all these chiefs or heads under a single

authority, and to maintain the public peace by an uniform administration.

The idea which men still retained of the paternal government, and the

happy effects they had experienced from it, prompted them to choose from

among their wisest and most virtuous men, him in whom they had observed

the tenderest and most fatherly disposition. Neither ambition nor cabal

had the least share in this choice; probity alone, and the reputation of

virtue and equity, decided on these occasions, and gave the preference to

the most worthy.(49)

 

To heighten the lustre of their newly-acquired dignity, and enable them

the better to put the laws in execution, as well as to devote themselves

entirely to the public good; to defend the state against the invasions of

their neighbours, and the factions of discontented citizens; the title of

king was bestowed upon them, a throne was erected, and a sceptre put into

their hands; homage was paid them, officers were assigned, and guards

appointed for the security of their persons; tributes were granted; they

were invested with full powers to administer justice, and for this purpose

were armed with a sword, in order to restrain injustice, and punish

crimes.

 

At first, every city had its particular king, who being more solicitous to

preserve his dominion than to enlarge it, confined his ambition within the

limits of his native country.(50) But the almost unavoidable feuds which

break out between neighbours; jealousy against a more powerful king; a

turbulent and restless spirit; a martial disposition, or thirst of

aggrandizement; or the display of abilities; gave rise to wars, which

frequently ended in the entire subjection of the vanquished, whose cities

were possessed by the victor, and increased insensibly his dominions.

Thus, a first victory paving the way to a second, and making a prince more

powerful and enterprising, several cities and provinces were united under

one monarch, and formed kingdoms of a greater or less extent, according to

the degree of ardour with which the victor had pushed his conquests.(51)

 

But among these princes were found some, whose ambition being too vast to

confine itself within a single kingdom, broke over all bounds, and spread

universally like a torrent, or the ocean; swallowed up kingdoms and

nations; and fancied that glory consisted in depriving princes of their

dominions, who had not done them the least injury; in carrying fire and

sword into the most remote countries, and in leaving every where bloody

traces of their progress! Such was the origin of those famous empires

which included a great part of the world.

 

Princes made a various use of victory, according to the diversity of their

dispositions or interests. Some, considering themselves as absolute

masters of the conquered, and imagining they were sufficiently indulged in

sparing their lives, bereaved them, as well as their children, of their

possessions, their country, and their liberty; subjected them to a most

severe captivity; employed them in those arts which are necessary for the

support of life, in the lowest and most servile offices of the house, in

the painful toils of the field; and frequently forced them, by the most

inhuman treatment, to dig in mines, and ransack the bowels of the earth,

merely to satiate their avarice; and hence mankind were divided into

freemen and slaves, masters and bondmen.

 

Others introduced the custom of transporting whole nations into new

countries, where they settled them, and gave them lands to cultivate.

 

Other princes again, of more gentle dispositions, contented themselves

with only obliging the vanquished nations to purchase their liberties, and

the enjoyment of their laws and privileges by annual tributes laid on them

for that purpose; and sometimes they would suffer kings to sit peaceably

on their thrones, upon condition of their paying them some kind of homage.

 

But such of these monarchs as were the wisest and ablest politicians,

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