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After
these expiations, expresses were despatched to Hamilcar in
Sicily,
with
the news of what had happened in Africa, and, at the same time,
to
request
immediate succours. He commanded the deputies to observe the
strictest
silence on the subject of the victory of Agathocles; and spread
a
contrary report, that he had been entirely defeated, his forces all
cut
off,
and his whole fleet taken by the Carthaginians; and, in
confirmation
of
this report, he showed the irons of the vessels pretended to be
taken,
which
had been carefully sent to him. The truth of this report was not
at
all
doubted in Syracuse; the majority were for capitulating;(647) when
a
galley
of thirty oars, built in haste by Agathocles, arrived in the
port;
and
through great difficulties and dangers forced its way to the
besieged.
The
news of Agathocles’s victory immediately flew through the city,
and
restored
alacrity and resolution to the inhabitants. Hamilcar made a last
effort
to storm the city, but was beaten off with loss. He then raised
the
siege,
and sent five thousand men to the relief of his distressed
country.
Some
time after,(648) having resumed the siege, and hoping to surprise
the
Syracusans
by attacking them in the night, his design was discovered; and
falling
alive into the enemy’s hands, he was put to death with the most
exquisite
tortures.(649) Hamilcar’s head was sent immediately to
Agathocles,
who, advancing to the enemy’s camp, threw it into a general
consternation,
by displaying to them the head of this general, which
manifested
the melancholy situation of their affairs in Sicily.
To
these foreign enemies was joined a domestic one, which was more to
be
feared,
as being more dangerous than the others;(650) this was Bomilcar
their
general, who was then in possession of the first post in
Carthage.
He
had long meditated the establishment of himself as tyrant at
Carthage,
and
attaining the sovereign authority there; and imagined that the
present
troubles
offered him the wished-for opportunity. He therefore entered the
city,
and being seconded by a small number of citizens, who were the
accomplices
of his rebellion, and a body of foreign soldiers, he
proclaimed
himself tyrant; and showed himself literally such, by cutting
the
throats of all the citizens whom he met with in the streets. A
tumult
arising
immediately in the city, it was at first thought that the enemy
had
taken it by some treachery; but when it was known that Bomilcar
caused
all
this disturbance, the young men took up arms to repel the tyrant,
and
from
the tops of the houses discharged whole volleys of darts and
stones
upon
the heads of his soldiers. When he saw an army marching in order
against
him, he retired with his troops to an eminence, with design to
make
a vigorous defence, and to sell his life as dear as possible. To
spare
the blood of the citizens, a general pardon was proclaimed for
all
without
exception who would lay down their arms. They surrendered upon
this
proclamation, and all enjoyed the benefit of it, Bomilcar their
chief
excepted:
for the Carthaginians, without regarding their oath, condemned
him
to death, and fastened him to a cross, where he suffered the most
exquisite
torments. From the cross, as from a rostrum, he harangued the
people;
and thought himself justly entitled to reproach them for their
injustice,
their ingratitude, and perfidy, which he did by enumerating
many
illustrious generals, whose services they had rewarded with an
ignominious
death. He expired on the cross whilst uttering these
reproaches.(651)
Agathocles
had won over to his interest a powerful king of Cyrene,(652)
named
Ophellas, whose ambition he had flattered with the most splendid
hopes,
by leading him to understand, that, contenting himself with
Sicily,
he
would leave to Ophellas the empire of Africa. But, as Agathocles
did
not
scruple to commit the most horrid crimes when he thought them
conducive
to his interest, the credulous prince had no sooner put himself
and
his army in his power, than, by the blackest perfidy, he caused him
to
be
murdered, in order that Ophellas’s army might be entirely at his
devotion.
Many nations were now joined in alliance with Agathocles, and
several
strongholds were garrisoned by his forces. As he now saw the
affairs
of Africa in a flourishing condition, he thought it proper to
look
after
those of Sicily; accordingly he sailed back thither, having left
the
command
of the army to his son Archagathus. His renown, and the report of
his
victories, flew before him. On the news of his arrival in Sicily
many
towns
revolted to him; but bad news soon recalled him to Africa. His
absence
had quite changed the face of things; and all his endeavours were
incapable
of restoring them to their former condition. All his
strong-holds
had surrendered to the enemy; the Africans had deserted him;
some
of his troops were lost, and the remainder were unable to make
head
against
the Carthaginians; he had no way to transport them into Sicily,
as
he
was destitute of ships, and the enemy were masters at sea: he could
not
hope
for either peace or treaty with the barbarians, since he had
insulted
them
in so outrageous a manner, by his being the first who had dared
to
make
a descent in their country. In this extremity, he thought only of
providing
for his own safety. After many adventures, this base deserter of
his
army, and perfidious betrayer of his own children, who were left
by
him
to the wild fury of his disappointed soldiers, stole away from
the
dangers
which threatened him, and arrived at Syracuse with very few
followers.
His soldiers, seeing themselves thus betrayed, murdered his
sons,
and surrendered to the enemy. Himself died miserably soon after,
and
ended,
by a cruel death,(653) a life that had been polluted with the
blackest
crimes.
In
this period may be placed another incident related by Justin.(654)
The
fame
of Alexander’s conquests made the Carthaginians fear, that he
might
think
of turning his arms towards Africa. The disastrous fate of Tyre,
whence
they drew their origin, and which he had so lately destroyed; the
building
of Alexandria upon the confines of Africa and Egypt, as if he
intended
it as a rival city to Carthage; the uninterrupted successes of
that
prince, whose ambition and good fortune were boundless; all this
justly
alarmed the Carthaginians. To sound his inclinations, Hamilcar,
surnamed
Rhodanus, pretending to have been driven from his country by the
cabals
of his enemies, went over to the camp of Alexander, to whom he
was
introduced
by Parmenio, and offered him his services. The king received
him
graciously, and had several conferences with him. Hamilcar did
not
fail
to transmit to his country whatever discoveries he made from time
to
time
of Alexander’s designs. Nevertheless, on his return to Carthage,
after
Alexander’s death, he was considered as a betrayer of his country
to
that
prince; and accordingly was put to death, by a sentence which
displayed
equally the ingratitude and cruelty of his countrymen.
(M105)
I am now to speak of the wars of the Carthaginians in Sicily, in
the
time of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus.(655) The Romans, to whom the
designs
of
that ambitious prince were not unknown, in order to strengthen
themselves
against any attempts he might make upon Italy, had renewed
their
treaties with the Carthaginians, who, on their side, were no less
afraid
of his crossing into Sicily. To the articles of the preceding
treaties,
there was added an engagement of mutual assistance, in case
either
of the contracting powers should be attacked by Pyrrhus.
The
foresight of the Romans was well founded: Pyrrhus turned his arms
against
Italy, and gained many victories.(656) The Carthaginians, in
consequence
of the last treaty, thought themselves obliged to assist the
Romans;
and accordingly sent them a fleet of six-score sail, under the
command
of Mago. This general, in an audience before the senate,
signified
to
them the interest which his superiors took in the war which they
heard
was
carrying on against the Romans, and offered them their assistance.
The
senate
returned thanks for the obliging offer of the Carthaginians, but
at
present
thought fit to decline it.
Mago,(657)
some days after, repaired to Pyrrhus, upon pretence of offering
the
mediation of Carthage for terminating his quarrel with the Romans;
but
in
reality to sound him, and discover, if possible, his designs with
regard
to Sicily, which common fame reported he was going to invade. The
Carthaginians
were afraid that either Pyrrhus or the Romans would
interfere
in the affairs of that island, and transport forces thither for
the
conquest of it. And, indeed, the Syracusans, who had been besieged
for
some
time by the Carthaginians, had sent pressingly for succour to
Pyrrhus.
This prince had a particular reason to espouse their interests,
having
married Lanassa, daughter of Agathocles, by whom he had a son
named
Alexander.
He at last sailed from Tarentum, passed the Strait, and arrived
in
Sicily. His conquests at first were so rapid, that he left the
Carthaginians,
in the whole island, only the single town of Lilybæum. He
laid
siege to it, but meeting with a vigorous resistance, was obliged
to
raise
the siege; not to mention that the urgent necessity of his
affairs
called
him back to Italy, where his presence was absolutely necessary.
Nor
was
it less so in Sicily, which, on his departure, returned to the
obedience
of its former masters. Thus he lost this island with the same
rapidity
that he had won it. As he was embarking, he turned his eyes back
to
Sicily, and exclaimed to those about him,(658) “What a fine field
of
battle(659)
do we leave the Carthaginians and Romans!” His prediction was
soon
verified.
After
his departure, the chief magistracy of Syracuse was conferred on
Hiero,
who afterwards obtained the name and dignity of king, by the
united
suffrages
of the citizens; so greatly had his government pleased. He was
appointed
to carry on the war against the Carthaginians, and obtained
several
advantages over them. But now a common interest reunited them
against
a new enemy, who began to appear in Sicily, and justly alarmed
both:
these were the Romans, who, having crushed all the enemies which
had
hitherto
exercised their arms in Italy itself, were now powerful enough to
carry
them out of it; and to lay the foundation of that vast power
there
to
which they afterwards attained, and of which it was probable they
had
even
then formed the design. Sicily lay too commodious for them, not
to
form
a resolution of establishing themselves in it. They therefore
eagerly
snatched
this opportunity for crossing into it, which caused the rupture
between
them and the Carthaginians, and gave rise to the first Punic war.
This
I shall treat of more at large, by relating the causes of that
war.
Chapter
II. The History of Carthage from the first Punic War to its
destruction.
The
plan which I have laid down does not allow me to enter into an
exact
detail
of the wars between Rome and Carthage; since that pertains rather
to
the Roman history, which I do not intend to touch upon, except
transiently
and occasionally. I shall therefore relate such facts only as
may
give the reader a just idea of the republic whose history lies
before
me;
by confining myself to those particulars which relate chiefly to
the
Carthaginians,
and to their most important transactions in Sicily, Spain,
and
Africa: a subject in itself sufficiently extensive.
I
have already observed, that from the first Punic war to the ruin
of
Carthage,
a hundred and eighteen years elapsed. This whole time may be
divided
into five parts or intervals.
I.
The first Punic war lasted twenty-four years.
II.
The interval betwixt the first and second Punic war is also
twenty-four
years.
III.
The second Punic war took up seventeen years.
IV.
The interval between the second and third is forty-nine years.
V.
The third Punic war, terminated by the destruction of Carthage,
continued
but four years and some months.
Total:
118 years.
(M106)
ARTICLE I. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR.—The
first Punic war arose from the
following
cause. Some Campanian soldiers, in the service of Agathocles,
the
Sicilian tyrant, having entered as friends into Messina, soon
after
murdered
part of the townsmen, drove out the rest, married their wives,
seized
their effects, and remained sole masters of that important
city.(660)
They then assumed the name of Mamertines. In imitation of them,
and
by their assistance, a Roman legion treated in the same cruel
manner
the
city of Rhegium, lying directly opposite to Messina, on the other
side
of
the strait. These two perfidious cities, supporting one another,
rendered
themselves at length formidable to their neighbours; and
especially
Messina, which became very powerful, and gave great umbrage and
uneasiness
both to the Syracusans and Carthaginians, who possessed one
part
of Sicily. As soon as the Romans had got rid of the enemies they
had
so
long contended with, and particularly of Pyrrhus, they began to
think
of
punishing the crime of their citizens, who had settled themselves
at
Rhegium,
in so cruel and treacherous a manner, nearly ten years before.
Accordingly,
they took the city, and killed, in the attack, the greatest
part
of the inhabitants, who, instigated by despair, had fought to the
last
gasp: three hundred only were left, who were carried to Rome,
whipped,
and then publicly beheaded in the forum. The view which the
Romans
had in making this bloody execution, was, to prove to their
allies
their
own sincerity and innocence. Rhegium was immediately restored to
its
lawful
possessors. The Mamertines, who were considerably weakened, as
well
by
the ruin of their confederate city, as by the losses which they
had
sustained
from the Syracusans, who had lately placed Hiero at their head,
thought
it time to provide for their own safety. But divisions arising
among
them, one part surrendered the citadel to the Carthaginians,
whilst
the
other called in the Romans to their assistance, and resolved to
put
them
in possession of their city.
The
affair was debated in the Roman senate, where, being considered in
all
its
lights, it appeared to have some difficulties.(661) On one hand,
it
was
thought base, and altogether unworthy of the Roman virtue, for them
to
undertake
openly the defence of traitors, whose perfidy was exactly the
same
with that of the Rhegians, whom the Romans had recently punished
with
so
exemplary a severity. On the other hand, it was of the utmost
consequence
to stop the progress of the Carthaginians, who, not satisfied
with
their conquests in Africa and Spain, had also made themselves
masters
of
almost all the islands of the Sardinian and Hetrurian seas; and
would
certainly
get all Sicily into their hands, if they should be suffered to
possess
themselves of Messina. From thence into Italy, the passage was
very
short; and it was in some manner to invite an enemy to come over,
to
leave
the entrance open. These reasons, though so strong, could not
prevail
with the senate to declare in favour of the Mamertines; and
accordingly,
motives of honour and justice prevailed in this instance over
those
of interest and policy. (M107) But the people were not so
scrupulous;
for, in an assembly held on this subject, it was resolved that
the
Mamertines should be assisted.(662) The consul Appius Claudius
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