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A History of Chinese Literature 10

A History of Chinese Literature 10


TAI T’UNG graduated in 1237 and rose to be Governor of
T’ai-chou in Chehkiang. Then the Mongols prevailed, and Tai T’ung,
unwilling to serve them, pleaded ill-health, and in 1275 retired
into private life. There he occupied himself with the composition of
the _Liu Shu Ku_ or Six Scripts, an examination into the origin and
development of writing, which, according to some, was published about
A.D. 1250, but according to others, not until so late as the
year 1319.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: WU SHU--LI FANG]

From the rise of the Sung dynasty may be dated the first appearance of
the encyclopædia, destined to occupy later so much space in Chinese
literature. WU SHU (A.D. 947--1002), whose life was a good instance
of “worth by poverty depressed,” may fairly be credited with the
production of the earliest work of the kind. His _Shih Lei Fu_ dealt
with celestial and terrestrial phenomena, mineralogy, botany, and
natural history, arranged, for want of an alphabet, under categories.
It is curiously written in the poetical-prose style, and forms the
foundation of a similar book of reference in use at the present day.
Wu Shu was placed upon the commission which produced a much more
extensive work known as the _T’ai P’ing Yu Lan_. At the head of that
commission was LI FANG (A.D. 924--995), a Minister of State and a great
favourite with the Emperor. In the last year of his life he was invited
to witness the Feast of Lanterns from the palace. On that occasion the
Emperor placed Li beside him, and after pouring out for him a goblet
of wine and supplying him with various delicacies, he turned to his
courtiers and said, “Li Fang has twice served us as Minister of State,
yet has he never in any way injured a single fellow-creature. Truly
this must be a virtuous man.” The _T’ai P’ing Yu Lan_ was reprinted
in 1812, and is bound up in thirty-two large volumes. It was so
named because the Emperor himself went through all the manuscript, a
task which occupied him nearly a year. A list of about eight hundred
authorities is given, and the Index fills four hundred pages.

As a pendant to this work Li Fang designed the _T’ai P’ing Kuang Chi_,
an encyclopædia of biographical and other information drawn from
general literature. A list of about three hundred and sixty authorities
is given, and the Index fills two hundred and eighty pages. The edition
of 1566--a rare work--bound up in twelve thick volumes, stands upon the
shelves of the Cambridge University Library.

       *       *       *       *       *

Another encyclopædist was MA TUAN-LIN, the son of a high
official, in whose steps he prepared to follow. The dates of his birth
and death are not known, but he flourished in the thirteenth century.
Upon the collapse of the Sung dynasty he disappeared from public life,
and taking refuge in his native place, he gave himself up to teaching,
attracting many disciples from far and near, and fascinating all by
his untiring dialectic skill. He left behind him the _Wen Hsien T’ung
K’ao_, a large encyclopædia based upon the _T’ung Tien_ of Tu Yu, but
much enlarged and supplemented by five additional sections, namely,
Bibliography, Imperial Lineage, Appointments, Uranography, and Natural
Phenomena. This work, which cost its author twenty years of unremitting
labour, has long been known to Europeans, who have drawn largely upon
its ample stores of antiquarian research.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: THE HSI YUAN LU]

At the close of the Sung dynasty there was published a curious book on
Medical Jurisprudence, which is interesting, in spite of its manifold
absurdities, as being the recognised handbook for official use at the
present day. No magistrate ever thinks of proceeding to discharge
the duties of coroner without taking a copy of these instructions
along with him. The present work was compiled by a judge named Sung
Tz’ŭ, from pre-existing works of a similar kind, and we are told in
the preface of a fine edition, dated 1842, that “being subjected for
many generations to practical tests by the officers of the Board of
Punishments, it became daily more and more exact.” A few extracts will
be sufficient to determine its real value:--

(1.) “Man has three hundred and sixty-five bones, corresponding to the
number of days it takes the heavens to revolve.

“The skull of a male, from the nape of the neck to the top of the
head, consists of eight pieces--of a Ts’ai-chou man, nine. There is a
horizontal suture across the back of the skull, and a perpendicular
one down the middle. Female skulls are of six pieces, and have the
horizontal but not the perpendicular suture.

“Teeth are twenty-four, twenty-eight, thirty-two, or thirty-six in
number. There are three long-shaped breast-bones.

“There is one bone belonging to the heart of the shape and size of a
_cash_.

“There is one ‘shoulder-well’ bone and one ‘rice-spoon’ bone on each
side.

“Males have twelve ribs on each side, eight long and four short.
Females have fourteen on each side.”

(2.) “Wounds inflicted on the bone leave a red mark and a slight
appearance of saturation, and where the bone is broken there will be
at each end a halo-like trace of blood. Take a bone on which there
are marks of a wound, and hold it up to the light; if these are of a
fresh-looking red, the wound was inflicted before death and penetrated
to the bone; but if there is no trace of saturation from blood,
although there is a wound, it was inflicted after death.”

(3.) “The bones of parents may be identified by their children in the
following manner. Let the experimenter cut himself or herself with
a knife, and cause the blood to drip on to the bones; then if the
relationship is an actual fact, the blood will sink into the bone,
otherwise it will not. _N.B._--Should the bones have been washed with
salt water, even though the relationship exists, yet the blood will not
soak in. This is a trick to be guarded against beforehand.

“It is also said that if parent and child, or husband and wife, each
cut themselves and let the blood drip into a basin of water, the two
bloods will mix, whereas that of two people not thus related will not
mix.

“Where two brothers, who may have been separated since childhood, are
desirous of establishing their identity as such, but are unable to
do so by ordinary means, bid each one cut himself and let the blood
drip into a basin. If they are really brothers, the two bloods will
coagulate into one; otherwise not. But because fresh blood will always
coagulate with the aid of a little salt or vinegar, people often smear
the basin over with these to attain their own ends and deceive others;
therefore always wash out the basin you are going to use, or buy a new
one from a shop. Thus the trick will be defeated.”

(4.) “There are some atrocious villains who, when they have murdered
any one, burn the body and throw the ashes away, so that there are no
bones to examine. In such cases you must carefully find out at what
time the murder was committed, and where the body was burnt. Then,
when you know the place, all witnesses agreeing on this point, you
may proceed without further delay to examine the wounds. The mode of
procedure is this. Put up your shed near where the body was burnt, and
make the accused and witnesses point out themselves the exact spot.
Then cut down the grass and weeds growing on this spot, and burn large
quantities of fuel till the place is extremely hot, throwing on several
pecks of hemp-seed. By and by brush the place clean; then, if the body
was actually burnt on this spot, the oil from the seed will be found to
have sunk into the ground in the form of a human figure, and wherever
there were wounds on the dead man, there on this figure the oil will be
found to have collected together, large or small, square, round, long,
short, oblique, or straight, exactly as they were inflicted. The parts
where there were no wounds will be free from any such appearances.”




BOOK THE SIXTH

_THE MONGOL DYNASTY_ (A.D. 1200-1368)




CHAPTER I

MISCELLANEOUS LITERATURE--POETRY


The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries witnessed a remarkable
political revolution. China was conquered by the Mongols, and for the
first time in history the empire passed under the rule of an alien
sovereign. No exact date can be assigned for the transference of the
Imperial power. In 1264 Kublai Khan fixed his capital at Peking, and in
1271 he adopted Yuan as his dynastic style. It was not, however, until
1279 that the patriot statesman, Chao Ping, had his retreat cut off,
and despairing of his country, took upon his back the boy-Emperor, the
last of the Sungs, and jumped from his doomed vessel into the river,
thus bringing the great fire-led dynasty to an end.

[Sidenote: WEN T’IEN-HSIANG]

Kublai Khan, who was a confirmed Buddhist, paid great honour to
Confucius, and was a steady patron of literature. In 1269 he caused
Bashpa, a Tibetan priest, to construct an alphabet for the Mongol
language; in 1280 the calendar was revised; and in 1287 the Imperial
Academy was opened. But he could not forgive WEN T’IEN-HSIANG
(1236-1283), the renowned patriot and scholar, who had fought so
bravely but unsuccessfully against him. In 1279 the latter was conveyed
to Peking, on which journey he passed eight days without eating.
Every effort was made to induce him to own allegiance to the Mongol
Emperor, but without success. He was kept in prison for three years.
At length he was summoned into the presence of Kublai Khan, who said
to him, “What is it you want?” “By the grace of the Sung Emperor,” Wen
T’ien-hsiang replied, “I became his Majesty’s Minister. I cannot serve
two masters. I only ask to die.” Accordingly he was executed, meeting
his death with composure, and making a final obeisance southwards, as
though his own sovereign was still reigning in his own capital. The
following poem was written by Wen T’ien-hsiang while in captivity:--

“There is in the universe an Aura which permeates all things and makes
them what they are. Below, it shapes forth land and water; above, the
sun and the stars. In man it is called spirit; and there is nowhere
where it is not.

“In times of national tranquillity this spirit lies _perdu_ in the
harmony which prevails; only at some great crisis is it manifested
widely abroad.”

[Here follow ten historical instances of devotion and heroism.]

“Such is this grand and glorious spirit which endureth for all
generations, and which, linked with the sun and the moon, knows neither
beginning nor end. The foundation of all that is great and good in
heaven and earth, it is itself born from the everlasting obligations
which are due by man to man.

“Alas! the fates were against me. I was without resource. Bound with
fetters, hurried away towards the north, death would have been sweet
indeed; but that boon was refused.

“My dungeon is lighted by the will-o’-the-wisp alone; no breath of
spring cheers the murky solitude in which I dwell. The ox and the barb
herd together in one stall, the rooster and the phœnix feed together
from one dish. Exposed to mist and dew, I had many times thought to
die; and yet, through the seasons of two revolving years, disease
hovered round me in vain. The dank, unhealthy soil to me became
paradise itself. For there was that within me which misfortune could
not steal away. And so I remained firm, gazing at the white clouds
floating over my head, and bearing in my heart a sorrow boundless as
the sky.

“The sun of those dead heroes has long since set, but their record is
before me still. And, while the wind whistles under the eaves, I open
my books and read; and lo! in their presence my heart glows with a
borrowed fire.”

“I myself,” adds the famous commentator, Lin Hsi-chung, of the
seventeenth century, “in consequence of the rebellion in Fuhkien, lay
in prison for two years, while deadly disease raged around. Daily I
recited this poem several times over, and happily escaped; from which
it is clear that the supremest efforts in literature move even the
gods, and that it is not the verses of Tu Fu alone which can prevail
against malarial fever.”

At the final examination for his degree in 1256, Wen T’ien-hsiang had
been placed seventh on the list. However, the then Emperor, on looking
over the papers of the candidates before the result was announced,
was immensely struck by his work, and sent for the grand examiner
to reconsider the order of merit. “This essay,” said his Majesty,
“shows us the moral code of the ancients as in a mirror; it betokens
a loyalty enduring as iron and stone.” The grand examiner readily
admitted the justice of the Emperor’s criticism, and when the list
was published, the name of Wen T’ien-hsiang stood first. The fame of
that examiner, WANG YING-LIN (1223-1296), is likely to last
for a long time to come. Not because of his association with one of
China’s greatest patriots, nor because of his voluminous contributions
to classical literature, including an extensive encyclopædia, a rare
copy of which is to be seen in the University of Leyden, but because
of a small primer for schoolboys, which, by almost universal consent,
is attributed to his pen. For six hundred years this primer has been,
and is still at this moment, the first book put into the hand of every
child throughout the empire. It is an epitome of all knowledge, dealing
with philosophy, classical literature, history, biography, and common
objects. It has been called a sleeve edition of the Mirror of History.
Written in lines of three characters to each, and being in doggerel
rhyme, it is easily committed to memory, and is known by heart by every
Chinaman who has learnt to read. This Three Character Classic, as it
is called, has been imitated by Christian missionaries, Protestant and
Catholic; and even the T’ai-p’ing rebels, alive to its far-reaching
influence, published an imitation of their own. Here are a few specimen
lines, rhymed to match the original:--

  “_Men, one and all, in infancy
  Are virtuous at heart;
  Their moral tendencies the same,
  Their practice wide apart.
  Without instruction’s kindly aid
  Man’s nature grows less fair;
  In teaching, thoroughness should be
  A never-ceasing care._”

It may be added that the meaning of the Three Character Classic is not
explained to the child at the time. All that the latter has to do is to
learn the sounds and formation of the 560 different characters of which
the book is composed.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: LIU YIN]

A clever boy, who attracted much attention by the filial piety which
he displayed towards his stepfather, was LIU YIN (1241-1293).
He obtained office, but resigned in order to tend his sick mother; and
when again appointed, his health broke down and he went into seclusion.
The following extract is from his pen:--

“When God made man, He gave him powers to cope with the exigencies of
his environment, and resources within himself, so that he need not be
dependent upon external circumstances.

“Thus, in districts where poisons abound, antidotes abound also; and
in others, where malaria prevails, we find such correctives as ginger,
nutmegs, and dogwood. Again, fish, terrapins, and clams are the most
wholesome articles of diet in excessively damp climates, though
themselves denizens of the water; and musk and deer-horns are excellent
prophylactics in earthy climates, where in fact they are produced. For
if these things were unable to prevail against their surroundings, they
could not possibly thrive where they do, while the fact that they do so
thrive is proof positive that they were ordained as specifics against
those surroundings.

“Chu Hsi said, ‘When God is about to send down calamities upon us, He
first raises up the hero whose genius shall finally prevail against
those calamities.’ From this point of view there can be no living man
without his appointed use, nor any state of society which man should be
unable to put right.”

The theory that every man plays his allotted part in the cosmos is a
favourite one with the Chinese; and the process by which the tares are
separated from the wheat, exemplifying the use of adversity, has been
curiously stated by a Buddhist priest of this date:--

“If one is a man, the mills of heaven and earth grind him to
perfection; if not, to destruction.”

       *       *       *       *       *

A considerable amount of poetry was produced under the Mongol sway,
though not so much proportionately, nor of such a high order, as under
the great native dynasties. The Emperor Ch’ien Lung published in 1787 a
collection of specimens of the poetry of this Yuan dynasty. They fill
eight large volumes, but are not much read.

[Sidenote: LIU CHI]

One of the best known poets of this period is LIU CHI (A.D. 1311-1375),
who was also deeply read in the Classics and also a student of
astrology. He lived into the Ming dynasty, which he helped to
establish, and was for some years the trusted adviser of its first
ruler. He lost favour, however, and was poisoned by a rival, it is
said, with the Emperor’s connivance. The following lines, referring to
an early visit to a mountain monastery, reveal a certain sympathy with
Buddhism:--

  “_I mounted when the cock had just begun,
  And reached the convent ere the bells were done;
  A gentle zephyr whispered o’er the lawn;
  Behind the wood the moon gave way to dawn.
  And in this pure sweet solitude I lay,
  Stretching my limbs out to await the day,
  No sound along the willow pathway dim
  Save the soft echo of the bonzes’ hymn._”

Here too is an oft-quoted stanza, to be found in any poetry primer:--

  “_A centenarian ’mongst men
  Is rare; and if one comes, what then?
  The mightiest heroes of the past
  Upon the hillside sleep at last._”

The prose writings of Liu Chi are much admired for their pure style,
which has been said to “smell of antiquity.” One piece tells how a
certain noble who had lost all by the fall of the Ch’in dynasty,
B.C. 206, and was forced to grow melons for a living, had
recourse to divination, and went to consult a famous augur on his
prospects.

“Alas!” cried the augur, “what is there that Heaven can bestow save
that which virtue can obtain? Where is the efficacy of spiritual beings
beyond that with which man has endowed them? The divining plant is but
a dead stalk; the tortoise-shell a dry bone. They are but matter like
ourselves. And man, the divinest of all things, why does he not seek
wisdom from within, rather than from these grosser stuffs?

“Besides, sir, why not reflect upon the past--that past which gave
birth to this present? Your cracked roof and crumbling walls of to-day
are but the complement of yesterday’s lofty towers and spacious halls.
The straggling bramble is but the complement of the shapely garden
tree. The grasshopper and the cicada are but the complement of organs
and flutes; the will-o’-the-wisp and firefly, of gilded lamps and
painted candles. Your endive and watercresses are but the complement
of the elephant-sinews and camel’s hump of days bygone; the maple-leaf
and the rush, of your once rich robes and fine attire. Do not repine
that those who had not such luxuries then enjoy them now. Do not be
dissatisfied that you, who enjoyed them then, have them now no more. In
the space of a day and night the flower blooms and dies. Between spring
and autumn things perish and are renewed. Beneath the roaring cascade a
deep pool is found; dark valleys lie at the foot of high hills. These
things you know; what more can divination teach you?”

Another piece is entitled “Outsides,” and is a light satire on the
corruption of his day:--

“At Hangchow there lived a costermonger who understood how to keep
oranges a whole year without letting them spoil. His fruit was always
fresh-looking, firm as jade, and of a beautiful golden hue; but
inside--dry as an old cocoon.

“One day I asked him, saying, ‘Are your oranges for altar or
sacrificial purposes, or for show at banquets? Or do you make this
outside display merely to cheat the foolish? as cheat them you most
outrageously do.’ ‘Sir,’ replied the orangeman, ‘I have carried on this
trade now for many years. It is my source of livelihood. I sell; the
world buys. And I have yet to learn that you are the only honest man
about, and that I am the only cheat. Perhaps it never struck you in
this light. The baton-bearers of to-day, seated on their tiger skins,
pose as the martial guardians of the State; but what are they compared
with the captains of old? The broad-brimmed, long-robed Ministers of
to-day pose as pillars of the constitution; but have they the wisdom
of our ancient counsellors? Evil-doers arise, and none can subdue
them. The people are in misery, and none can relieve them. Clerks are
corrupt, and none can restrain them. Laws decay, and none can renew
them. Our officials eat the bread of the State and know no shame. They
sit in lofty halls, ride fine steeds, drink themselves drunk with
wine, and batten on the richest fare. Which of them but puts on an
awe-inspiring look, a dignified mien?--all gold and gems without, but
dry cocoons within. You pay, sir, no heed to these things, while you
are very particular about my oranges.’

“I had no answer to make. Was he really out of conceit with the age, or
only quizzing me in defence of his fruit?”




CHAPTER II

THE DRAMA


[Sidenote: THE DRAMA]

If the Mongol dynasty added little of permanent value to the already
vast masses of poetry, of general literature, and of classical
exegesis, it will ever be remembered in connection with two important
departures in the literary history of the nation. Within the century
covered by Mongol rule the Drama and the Novel may be said to have come
into existence. Going back to pre-Confucian or legendary days, we find
that from time immemorial the Chinese have danced set dances in time to
music on solemn or festive occasions of sacrifice or ceremony. Thus we
read in the Odes:--

  “_Lightly, sprightly,
    To the dance I go,
  The sun shining brightly
    In the court below._”

The movements of the dancers were methodical, slow, and dignified. Long
feathers and flutes were held in the hand and were waved to and fro as
the performers moved right or left. Words to be sung were added, and
then gradually the music and singing prevailed over the dance, gesture
being substituted. The result was rather an operatic than a dramatic
performance, and the words sung were more of the nature of songs than
of musical plays. In the _Tso Chuan_, under B.C. 545, we read of an
amateur attempt of the kind, organised by stable-boys, which frightened
their horses and caused a stampede. Confucius, too, mentions the
arrogance of a noble who employed in his ancestral temple the number of
singers reserved for the Son of Heaven alone. It is hardly necessary to
allude to the exorcism of evil spirits, carried out three times a year
by officials dressed up in bearskins and armed with spear and shield,
who made a house to house visitation surrounded by a shouting and
excited populace. It is only mentioned here because some writers have
associated this practice with the origin of the drama in China. All we
really know is that in very early ages music and song and dance formed
an ordinary accompaniment to religious and other ceremonies, and that
this continued for many centuries.

Towards the middle of the eighth century, A.D., the Emperor
Ming Huang of the T’ang dynasty, being exceedingly fond of music,
established a College, known as the Pear-Garden, for training some
three hundred young people of both sexes. There is a legend that
this College was the outcome of a visit paid by his Majesty to the
moon, where he was much impressed by a troup of skilled performers
attached to the Palace of Jade which he found there. It was apparently
an institution to provide instrumentalists, vocalists, and possibly
dancers, for Court entertainments, although some have held that the
“youths of the Pear-Garden” were really actors, and the term is still
applied to the dramatic fraternity. Nothing, however, which can be
truly identified with the actor’s art seems to have been known until
the thirteenth century, when suddenly the Drama, as seen in the modern
Chinese stage-play, sprang into being. In the present limited state of
our knowledge on the subject, it is impossible to say how or why this
came about. We cannot trace step by step the development of the drama
in China from a purely choral performance, as in Greece. We are simply
confronted with the accomplished fact.

At the same time we hear of dramatic performances among the Tartars
at a somewhat earlier date. In 1031 K’ung Tao-fu, a descendant of
Confucius in the forty-fifth degree, was sent as envoy to the Kitans,
and was received at a banquet with much honour. But at a theatrical
entertainment which followed, a piece was played in which his sacred
ancestor, Confucius, was introduced as the low-comedy man; and this so
disgusted him that he got up and withdrew, the Kitans being forced to
apologise. Altogether, it would seem that the drama is not indigenous
to China, but may well have been introduced from Tartar sources.
However this may be, it is certain that the drama as known under the
Mongols is to all intents and purposes the drama of to-day, and a few
general remarks may not be out of place.

Plays are acted in the large cities of China at public theatres
all the year round, except during one month at the New Year, and
during the period of mourning for a deceased Emperor. There is no
charge for admission, but all visitors must take some refreshment.
The various Trade-Guilds have raised stages upon their premises,
and give periodical performances free to all who will stand in an
open-air courtyard to watch them. Mandarins and wealthy persons often
engage actors to perform in their private houses, generally while a
dinner-party is going on. In the country, performances are provided by
public subscription, and take place at temples or on temporary stages
put up in the roadway. These stages are always essentially the same.
There is no curtain, there are no wings, and no flies. At the back of
the stage are two doors, one for entrance and one for exit. The actors
who are to perform the first piece come in by the entrance door all
together. When the piece is over, and as they are filing out through
the exit door, those who are cast for the second piece pass in through
the other door. There is no interval, and the musicians, who sit on
the stage, make no pause; hence many persons have stated that Chinese
plays are ridiculously long, the fact being that half-an-hour to an
hour would be about an average length for the plays usually performed,
though much longer specimens, such as would last from three to five
hours, are to be found in books. Eight or ten plays are often performed
at an ordinary dinner-party, a list of perhaps forty being handed round
for the chief guests to choose from.

The actors undergo a very severe physical training, usually between the
ages of nine and fourteen. They have to learn all kinds of acrobatic
feats, these being introduced freely into “military” plays. They also
have to practise walking on feet bound up in imitation of women’s
feet, no woman having been allowed on the stage since the days of the
Emperor Ch’ien Lung (A.D. 1736-1796), whose mother had been an
actress. They have further to walk about in the open air for an hour or
so every day, the head thrown back and the mouth wide open in order to
strengthen the voice; and finally, their diet is carefully regulated
according to a fixed system of training. Fifty-six actors make up a
full company, each of whom must know perfectly from 100 to 200 plays,
there being no prompter. These do not include the four- or five-act
plays as found in books, but either acting editions of these, cut
down to suit the requirements of the stage, or short farces specially
written. The actors are ranged under five classes according to their
capabilities, and consequently every one knows what part he is expected
to take in any given play. Far from being an important personage, as
in ancient Greece, the actor is under a social ban; and for three
generations his descendants may not compete at the public examinations.
Yet he must possess considerable ability in a certain line; for
inasmuch as there are no properties and no realism, he is wholly
dependent for success upon his own powers of idealisation. There he is
indeed supreme. He will gallop across the stage on horseback, dismount,
and pass his horse on to a groom. He will wander down a street, and
stop at an open shop-window to flirt with a pretty girl. He will hide
in a forest, or fight from behind a battlemented wall. He conjures up
by histrionic skill the whole paraphernalia of a scene which in Western
countries is grossly laid out by supers before the curtain goes up. The
general absence of properties is made up to some extent by the dresses
of the actors, which are of the most gorgeous character, robes for
Emperors and grandees running into figures which would stagger even a
West-end manager.

It is obvious that the actor must be a good contortionist, and excel
in gesture. He must have a good voice, his part consisting of song and
“spoken” in about equal proportions. To show how utterly the Chinese
disregard realism, it need only be stated that dead men get up and walk
off the stage; sometimes they will even act the part of bearers and
make movements as though carrying themselves away. Or a servant will
step across to a leading performer and hand him a cup of tea to clear
his voice.

The merit of the plays performed is not on a level with the skill of
the performer. A Chinese audience does not go to hear the play, but
to see the actor. In 1678, at a certain market-town, there was a play
performed which represented the execution of the patriot, General Yo
Fei (A.D. 1141), brought about by the treachery of a rival,
Ch’in Kuei, who forged an order for that purpose. The actor who played
Ch’in Kuei (a term since used contemptuously for a spittoon) produced a
profound sensation; so much so, that one of the spectators, losing all
self-control, leapt upon the stage and stabbed the unfortunate man to
death.

Most Chinese plays are simple in construction and weak in plot. They
are divided into “military” and “civil,” which terms have often been
wrongly taken in the senses of tragedy and comedy, tragedy proper
being quite unknown in China. The former usually deal with historical
episodes and heroic or filial acts by historical characters; and
Emperors and Generals and small armies rush wildly about the stage,
sometimes engaged in single combat, sometimes in turning head over
heels. Battles are fought and rivals or traitors executed before
the very eyes of the audience. The “civil” plays are concerned with
the entanglements of every-day life, and are usually of a farcical
character. As they stand in classical collections or in acting
editions, Chinese plays are as unobjectionable as Chinese poetry
and general literature. On the stage, however, actors are allowed
great license in gagging, and the direction which their gag takes is
chiefly the reason which keeps respectable women away from the public
play-house.

It must therefore always be remembered that there is the play as it can
be read in the library, and again as it appears in the acting edition
to be learnt, and finally as it is interpreted by the actor. These
three are often very different one from the other.

The following abstract will give a fair idea of the pieces to be found
on the play-bill of any Chinese theatre:--

THE THREE SUSPICIONS.

At the close of the Ming dynasty, a certain well-known General was
occupied day and night in camp with preparations for resisting the
advance of the rebel army which ultimately captured Peking. While thus
temporarily absent from home, the tutor engaged for his son fell ill
with severe shivering fits, and the boy, anxious to do something to
relieve the sufferer, went to his mother’s room and borrowed a thick
quilt. Late that night, the General unexpectedly returned home, and
heard from a slave-girl in attendance of the tutor’s illness and of the
loan of the quilt. Thereupon, he proceeded straight to the sick-room,
to see how the tutor was getting on, but found him fast asleep. As
he was about to retire, he espied on the ground a pair of women’s
slippers, which had been accidentally brought in with the quilt, and
at once recognised to whom they belonged. Hastily quitting the still
sleeping tutor, and arming himself with a sharp scimitar, he burst into
his wife’s apartment. He seized the terrified woman by the hair, and
told her that she must die; producing, in reply to her protestations,
the fatal pair of slippers. He yielded, however, to the entreaties of
the assembled slave-girls, and deferred his vengeance until he had
put the following test. He sent a slave-girl to the tutor’s room,
himself following close behind with his naked weapon ready for use,
bearing a message from her mistress to say she was awaiting him in her
own room; in response to which invitation the voice of the tutor was
heard from within, saying, “What! at this hour of the night? Go away,
you bad girl, or I will tell the master when he comes back!” Still
unconvinced, the jealous General bade his trembling wife go herself
and summon her paramour; resolving that if the latter but put foot
over the threshold, his life should pay the penalty. But there was no
occasion for murderous violence. The tutor again answered from within
the bolted door, “Madam, I may not be a saint, but I would at least
seek to emulate the virtuous Chao Wen-hua (the Joseph of China). Go,
and leave me in peace.” The General now changes his tone; and the
injured wife, she too changes hers. She attempts to commit suicide,
and is only dissuaded by an abject apology on the part of her husband;
in the middle of which, as the latter is on his knees, a slave-girl
creates roars of laughter by bringing her master, in mistake for wine,
a brimming goblet of vinegar, the Chinese emblem of connubial jealousy.

       *       *       *       *       *

The following is a translation of the acting edition of a short play,
as commonly performed, illustrating, but not to exaggeration, the
slender and insufficient literary art which satisfies the Chinese
public, the verses of the original being quite as much doggerel as
those of the English version:--

THE FLOWERY BALL.


DRAMATIS PERSONÆ:

  Su Tai-ch’in,                       _a Suitor_.
  Hu Mao-yuan,                        _a Suitor_.
  P’ing Kuei,                         _a Beggar_.
  P’u-sa,          _the Beggar’s Guardian Angel_.
  Lady Wang,       _daughter of a high Mandarin_.
  Gatekeeper.

_Suitors, Servants, &c._


SCENE--_Outside the city of Ch’ang-an_.

  Su T’ai-ch’in. _At Ch’ang-an city I reside:
                 My father is a Mandarin;
                 Oh! if I get the Flowery Ball,
                 My cup of joy will overflow.
                 My humble name is Su T’ai-ch’in.
                 To-day the Lady Wang will throw
                 A Flowery Ball to get a spouse;
                 And if perchance this ball strikes me,
                 I am a lucky man indeed.
                 But now I must go on my way._

[Walks on towards the city

_Enter ~Hu Mao-yuan~._

  Hu Mao-yuan.   _My father is a nobleman,
                 And I’m a jolly roving blade;
                 To-day the Lady Wang will throw
                 A Flowery Ball to get a spouse.
                 It all depends on destiny
                 Whether or not this Ball strikes me.
                 My humble name is Hu Mao-yuan;
                 But as the Ball is thrown to-day
                 I must be moving on my way.
                 Why, that looks very like friend Su!
                 I’ll call: “Friend Su, don’t go so fast.”_

  Su.            _It’s Hu Mao-yuan: now where go you?_

  Hu.            _To the Governor’s palace to get me a wife._

  Su.            _To the Flowery Ball? Well, I’m going too._

  [Sings.]       _The Lady Wang the Flowery Ball will throw,
                 That all the world her chosen spouse might see,
                 Among the noble suitors down below--
                 But who knows who the lucky man will be?_

  Hu [sings.]    _I think your luck is sure to take you through._

  Su [sings.]    _Your handsome face should bring the Ball to ~you~._

  Hu [sings.]    _At any rate it lies between us two._

  Su [sings.]    _There’s hardly anybody else who’d do._

  Hu [sings.]    _Then come let us go, let us make haste and run._

  Su [sings.]    _Away let us go, but don’t be so slow,
                 Or we shan’t be in time for the fun._

[Exeunt.

_Enter ~P’ing Kuei~._

  P’ing [sings.] _Ah! that day within the garden
                 When my lady-love divine,
                 Daughter of a wealthy noble,
                 Promised that she would be mine.
                 At the garden gate she pledged me,
                 Bidding me come here to-day;
                 From my miserable garret
                 I have just now crept away.
                 And as I pass the city gates
                 I ope my eyes and see
                 A crowd of noble youths as thick
                 As leaves upon a tree.
                 Forward they press, but who knows which
                 The lucky man will be?
                 In vain I strain my eager eyes--
                 Alas! ’twill break my heart--
                 Among the well-dressed butterflies
                 I find no counterpart.
                 Let her be faithless or be true
                 I lose the Ball as sure as fate;
                 Though, if she spoke me idle words,
                 Why trifle at the garden gate?
                 Nevertheless, I’m bound to go
                 Whether I get the Ball or no:
                 My bowl and my staff in my hands--just so.
                 Rank and fortune often come
                     From matrimonial affairs;
                 I’ll think of it all as I walk along--
                     And perhaps I’d better say my prayers.
                 Why, here I am at the very spot!
                 I’ll just walk in._

  Gatekeeper.    _I say you’ll not!_

  P’ing [sings.] _Oh I dear, he’s stopped me! why, Heaven knows!
                 It must be my hat and tattered clothes.
                 I’ll stay here and raise an infernal din
                 Until they consent to let me in._

  Gatekeeper.    _I haven’t anything to spare,
                 So come again another day._

  P’ing.         _Oh! let me just go in to look._

  Gatekeeper.    _Among the sons of noblemen
                 What can there be for you to see?
                 Begone at once, or I’ll soon make you._

  P’ing.         _Alas! alas! what can I do?
                 If I don’t get within the court,
                 The Lady Wang will tire of waiting._

_Enter ~P’u-sa~._

  Pu-sa [sings.] _By heaven’s supreme command I have flown
                 Through the blue expanse of sky and air;
                 For a suffering soul has cried out in woe,
                 And Heaven has heard his prayer.
                 For the Lady Wang he’s nearly broken-hearted,
                 But cruel fate still keeps the lovers parted.
                 “Hebbery gibbery snobbery snay!”
                 On the wings of the wind I’ll ride,
                 And make the old porter clear out of the way
                 Till I get my poor beggar inside.
                 The Lady Wang is still within the hall
                 Waiting till the Emperor sends the Flowery Ball._

[Raises the wind.

  Gatekeeper.    _Oh dear! how cold the wind is blowing.
                 I do not see the lady coming,
                 And so I think I’ll step inside._

_Enter ~Lady Wang~._

  Lady Wang [sings.] _In gala dress I leave my boudoir,
                 Thinking all the time of thee--
                 O Heaven, fulfil a mortal’s longings,
                 And link my love to me.
                 My gorgeous cap is broidered o’er
                 With flocks of glittering birds:
                 Here shine the seven stars, and there
                 A boy is muttering holy words.
                 My bodice dazzles with its lustrous sheen:
                 My skirts are worked with many a gaudy scene._

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