The life of Midhat Pasha 18

The life of Midhat Pasha 18

The next audience was granted to the Russian Ambassador, General

Ignatieff, recently returned from St Petersburg with the last

instructions from his Court. The tone that the ambassador and envoys of

Russia, the Strogonoffs, and Mentchikoffs, and Ignatieffs, had rendered

familiar to the Porte on its communications on critical occasions, was

not absent on this occasion:

 

 

“His Majesty the Emperor, my master, officially informed of Your

Majesty’s accession to the throne, has conferred on me the signal

honour to represent him at Your Majesty’s court. The friendly

relations of the two countries may continue on the condition of the

interests of both being assured. His Majesty the Emperor cannot

view with indifference what is passing in the Ottoman Empire,

possessing, as it does, the commercial routes of the Black Sea and

the Mediterranean, and a portion of the inhabitants of which is of

the same religion as his own.

 

“It is to the interest of our country that peace should reign in

Turkey, and my country desires that late sad events should not be

renewed, and that peace should be assured. His Majesty the Emperor is

aware of the difficulties and critical moments that accompanied the

accession of Your Majesty, and is convinced that the troubles will

disappear, and that the re‐establishment of peace in the interior

will be secured. His Majesty the Emperor prays for the success of

Your Majesty.”

 

 

To this speech the Sultan made answer in a few appropriate words:

 

“More even than the Emperor of Russia ... I desire the progress of

Turkey, peace in my provinces, and my most ardent desire is to secure

the happiness of my people.”

 

 

Hardly had Abdul Hamid mounted the throne than the conflict between

the two parties already described, commenced. The first act of the new

reign was to appoint the _personnel_ of the Imperial Household. Damad

Mahmoud Djelaleddin Pasha was named Grand Marshal of the Palace, and

Saïd (Ingless) Pasha, first aide‐de‐camp to the Sultan. To these no

objections had been raised or conditions imposed. Their duties had

reference to what might be considered the more strictly household

functions of the Palace, and their appointment lay within the exclusive

domain of the sovereign’s personal choice. But it was very different

with the office of First Secretary to the Sultan (or his successor)

inasmuch as this important functionary has always been the right hand

and mouthpiece of the sovereign, and the person by whom and through

whom all communications pass between Ministers and the Sultan; and

through the confidential character of his office, and his ready and

continual access to the person of the sovereign, has always enjoyed a

position of exceptional importance, hardly second to that of the Grand

Vizier himself. It was for this reason that Midhat, attaching such

importance to the worthy occupancy of this post, had not only laid

stress on the necessity of its being filled by a functionary in harmony

with the views of Ministers, but had actually laid down as one of the

three conditions to which Prince Hamid was required to subscribe at the

interview at Muslou‐Oglou, that Sadullah Bey, Zia Bey and Kemal Bey

should be chosen as occupants of the post of Secretary respectively. In

spite of his formal acceptance of this condition, the Sultan informed

Midhat Pasha on his very first visit to the Palace, that he had

appointed Saïd Bey (Mahmoud’s man) as his First Secretary. Astounded at

this breach of faith, and aware of its significance—although perhaps

not recognizing the full import of it—Midhat strongly remonstrated

with the Sultan and urged a reconsideration of the appointment; but in

spite of the remonstrances and prayers of his Ministers, the Sultan

remained unmoved, and Midhat eventually acquiesced.

 

It is easy enough to be wise after the event and to see that Midhat

ought to have put his foot down on this question and accepted the

decisive battle thus offered him by the Sultan; that it ought to have

been clear to him that this was only the first contest in a campaign

that would decide the fate of Turkey during the whole of the coming

reign, and that the first blow would probably decide the issue in the

campaign. But our perspective of things is of course better than was

Midhat’s. By the light of all the subsequent events that have unrolled

themselves before our eyes, we now know the character of all the actors

in the drama which was commencing, especially of the principal actor,

and of this very First Secretary, who was the appropriate subject of

the first contention. We can now appreciate the character of Damad

Mahmoud Djelaleddin, the backbone and arm of the reaction; of some of

the Ministers who had been feigning for months past to support Midhat’s

views and were only waiting the moment to betray him; and can recognise

the existence of a matured and carefully laid plot to upset reform by

crushing the reformers—all these things are palpable and clear to us

in the broad daylight of subsequent events; but they were scarcely

surmised or imagined at the time we are now dealing with. The important

citadel of the Palace was delivered, with all its defences, into the

hands of the conspirators, and the Palace as a whole was organised

for the express purposes of the reformers. This strong position being

once firmly secured, the new Sultan could afford to show his hand with

little disguise. He could not yet afford to treat with Midhat; it would

have been clumsy to do so at once, for Midhat in opposition would have

been a force with which he would have had to reckon, and, moreover,

he and the Constitution were both necessary as a means of combating

the conference that was assembling; but short of a rupture with his

Grand Vizier, which was to be studiously avoided, he could afford to

emphasize more and more his opposition to the policy of Midhat, so that

when the moment arrived he could strike a decisive blow with effect,

and with less fear of the consequences.

 

Subjects of contention between them were not far to seek. The speech

from the throne, written by Midhat, which was a _pronunciamento_

of the policy of a new reign inaugurated under such exceptional

circumstances, and looked for with great eagerness, was revised by

the Sultan beyond recognition; the essential sentences were omitted,

others of quite incomprehensive character substituted in their place.

The keynote of the original was “a new Regime, the Constitution, and

Reform”; this was changed, and meaningless colourless phrases took its

place.

 

In order to give the reader an exact idea of the art displayed in this

transformation, the speech actually delivered on this occasion is

here appended, and the omitted sentences of the original, placed in

parentheses:

 

 

“HATTI HUMAYUN.

 

“_On ascending the Throne_.

 

“My illustrious Vizier, Mehemet Rushdi Pasha,—

 

“By the Divine will my elder brother, Sultan Murad V., vacated the

throne, and according to the law of succession We have mounted the

throne of our Ancestors.

 

“Appreciating your great qualities, your ability and experience

in the affairs of State, We confirm you in the functions of Grand

Vizier and of President of the Council of Ministers (avec le titre

de Premier Ministre), and direct all Our Ministers to keep their

respective posts. Confident in the assistance of the Almighty, We

will pursue Our object of strengthening Our Empire, and of making

all Our subjects, without exception, participate in the blessings of

liberty, peace, and justice; We trust that Our Ministers will help us

in the realisation of Our wishes (for Turkey ranks among the great

Powers, and in order to attain this object and to march on a footing

of equality with its neighbours in the progress of the sciences,

she must needs follow the same methods; and as the Constitutional

system is one of the principal causes of the progress of Nations, _We

hereby declare this system of Government to be adopted by Us_, whilst

holding strict account of the laws of the Cheri and the customs of

Our people.) No one who casts a glance at the causes of the critical

condition of affairs to‐day, can fail to recognise among the various

and numerous factors two principal ones, viz. the non‐observance of

the strict laws of the Cheri, and the capricious and wilful actions

of men. If the disorganisation that has for some time reigned in the

affairs of State has latterly greatly increased; if our financial

operations no longer inspire confidence; if our Courts of Justice no

longer command respect, if Our Empire, with its vast capacities for

commerce, industries and agriculture, and of every kind of progress,

has profited by none of these things—if, in fine, all the efforts

that have been made to insure liberty and peace for Our subjects

have remained fruitless, this comes from the non‐observance of the

laws and regulations; hence the necessity, whilst pursuing the noble

object of assuring the happiness of Our subjects of commencing in

the first place by the strict observation of existing laws, and of

those which shall be elaborated and proclaimed in strict accordance

with the laws of the Cheri and the wants of Our subjects, and by

keeping a strict eye on the expenditure and revenues of the State, in

order so to gain public confidence. (Each administrative department,

therefore, must act prudently and abstain from useless expenses; and

likewise with respect to the Household and other expenses of the

Imperial Palaces, these shall be diminished and reduced to what is

strictly necessary; and the Civil list of the Princes of the Imperial

family shall also be reduced, and their amount shall be paid directly

by the Minister of the Finances; and We make over to this same

Minister, as reduction from our Own Civil list, the sum of £300,000,

and We hereby fix the expenses of our Palace at the sum of £30,000

per month).

 

“The necessity of convoking a general assembly compatible with the

habits and customs and capacity of Our population being more and more

recognised and felt, Our Ministers will carefully and minutely study

this question and submit their report on the subject to Our sanction.

(In order to elaborate the Constitutional laws in conformity with

the needs of Our population and their customs and usages and the

law of the Cheri, We command our Ministers of State, the learned

doctors of the law, and all those whose knowledge and experience can

contribute to the perfection of the common work to unite in Council

to express their opinions on the subject, and that on their report

being approved by the Council of Ministers, it shall be submitted for

Our approbation.) Further, the confusion in the affairs of State,

resulting as it does from the incapacity of certain functionaries

in their posts, and from the frequent and unnecessary changes in the

personnel, it is Our desire that from the present time, according to

their different ranks, all office‐holders shall be chosen according

to their merit and capacity, and shall be irremovable without

serious reason, and that each of these shall be responsible for the

proper execution of his allotted duties. Moreover, Our attention

is directed to the question of public instruction, and seeing that

European nations have acquired the prosperity that they enjoy by

means of public instruction, We desire that all Our subjects, without

distinction of classes, shall be able to profit by the benefits of

knowledge, each according to his personal capacity; (and in order

that the progress of the country may produce the happiness of all

its subjects alike, and in order to inculcate these ideas, We decree

the foundation of schools in which instruction and education shall

be common to all), and with this object We desire that the credits

allotted to public education shall be increased, in order that

without loss of time we may endeavour to realise this programme.

In order, too, that the civil and financial administration of the

Provinces may be restored to their normal condition, We must without

loss of time endeavour to institute an organisation in the Provinces

resembling as much as possible the Central organisation.