Great Heart The Life Story of Theodore Roosevelt 17

Great Heart The Life Story of Theodore Roosevelt 17

Another example of Roosevelt’s desire to keep the peace of the world

was illustrated when, at the Easter of 1903, there occurred a massacre

of Jews in Kishinef, Russia. The Hebrews of the United States were

greatly aroused at the atrocities and besought their government to

protest to the Czar against these outrages. The Russian government

sent word privately to the European countries and to President

Roosevelt that the matter was exclusively a domestic one and that the

Russian government would not entertain any representations upon the

subject. The European governments took no further steps in the matter.

Roosevelt, however, promised the Jews of the United States that he

would bring their paper to the notice of the Czar.

 

Thus a crisis had arisen. Would Russia resent such a move? If she

refused to accept the representations of the United States, would that

be considered an affront by our government? Was war on the horizon?

 

No international troubles occurred. Though the Russian government

refused to receive the memorial, the American representative at St.

Petersburg visited the Foreign Office with a letter from Secretary of

State Hay, which inquired as to whether the Russian government would

accept the document. This letter to the Russian government went on to

set forth the full text of the memorial. The Russian Foreign Office

agreeably accepted it. Its publication in the press put before the

world every word of the petition of the American Jews. Thus America,

through Roosevelt, had spoken its opinion in the courts of mankind

without bringing about the war which timid souls predicted.

 

When Roosevelt became President it was his rule of peace that dominated

our country’s relations with other powers and that prevailed in the new

policy of territorial annexation entered upon in President McKinley’s

administration and carried forward by Roosevelt.

 

He decided that Cuba should not be taken over by the United States.

Europe expected the United States to annex Cuba, and many leading

men of his own party advised that this course be pursued, but he

determined that the little island should be given every opportunity to

govern itself as an independent republic. It was by his inspiration

that the American officials who administered government in the

Philippines, Porto Rico and, during the American occupancy, in Cuba,

devoted themselves to the welfare of the people in a way that won the

commendation of our sister nations. His course in this respect was

governed by a belief that when it was necessary for our government to

administer the affairs of the weaker nations under its control that

government should be, not for the profit of the people in the United

States, but for the people governed.

 

Always a sincere seeker of peace, he nevertheless exemplified in his

statesmanship his motto: “Speak softly, but carry a big stick!”

 

This was illustrated when he directed his policy directly athwart that

of the German Kaiser.

 

Those who remember the Venezuela incident of 1902 will recall that the

German and British fleets thought it necessary to discipline President

Castro. Germany, early in the proceedings, gave evidence that she

intended to seize a point in Venezuelan territory and hold it in order

to control the approach to the Isthmian Canal. The watchful Roosevelt

perceived this scheme, sounded out England and found that she had no

stomach for the alliance with Wilhelm’s fleet, and would refuse to help

Germany to fight America if a quarrel arose over Germany’s grasping

policy. Thereupon Roosevelt sent Dewey to the Caribbean Sea for fleet

maneuvers and sent word to Germany through her Ambassador that if

Germany did not agree to arbitrate within ten days he would instruct

Dewey to resist her taking possession of a foot of Venezuelan soil.

This meant war, and the President knew it, but he held resolutely to

his purpose. The ten days dwindled to two days, but no agreement had

come from Germany. Six more fateful hours passed. Then Germany agreed

to arbitrate.

 

Thus ended a disagreeable diplomatic episode that foreshadowed the acts

of the present Germany, but which revealed that the American spirit was

more than a match for that of the Hun.

 

The act that won for Roosevelt the enduring title of “the Great

Peacemaker” came during the Russo-Japanese War. When, in February,

1904, war was declared between Japan and Russia, Roosevelt showed

his deep concern in the matter by ordering his great Secretary of

State, John Hay, to send forth the famous Hay note, which asked the

two combatants to respect the neutrality of China, lest there should

be precipitated a still greater catastrophe. Both nations agreed to

Roosevelt’s request.

 

Then came Roosevelt’s nomination to succeed himself as President. He

was elected by the greatest popular vote ever accorded a Presidential

candidate.

 

Grave domestic problems pressed upon him, but the Russo-Japanese War

continued to occupy the uppermost place in his thoughts. The time

of his entering upon a new term seemed to him the right moment to

propose to Japan and Russia that they declare a truce and settle their

difficulties in conference.

 

Japan had already suffered terribly from the drain upon her men and

resources. Even if she were victorious in the conflict the chances were

that she would lose more than she would gain. The same was true of

Russia.

 

Roosevelt met with difficulty in getting the two powers to agree

to a common meeting place. Each, however, finally agreed to send

representatives to a conference at Portsmouth, N. H.

 

Roosevelt received the two delegations at Oyster Bay on the U. S. S.

Mayflower, and then had them conveyed by the Mayflower and another

naval vessel from Oyster Bay to Portsmouth.

 

The peace treaty was signed on September 5, 1905, and the world

acclaimed Roosevelt the warrior for his services in behalf of peace.

For bringing the two nations together he was awarded in the following

year the Nobel Peace Prize. This consisted of a medal and a sum of

$40,000, which, at the time, he turned over to a board of trustees as

a fund to be used in establishing industrial peace. However, when the

World War broke out, without this money having been expended by the

trustees, Roosevelt requested that the money, now increased to $45,000,

be distributed to the Red Cross and other war charities.

 

No greater sidelight can be thrown on Roosevelt’s influence for world

peace than this tribute paid to him at his death by Baron Makino, the

head of the Japanese Peace Commission, convened after the great world

war:

 

“I embrace this opportunity to pay a tribute to the immortal Roosevelt,

whose death is a sad calamity. He was a superb American, also a great

world’s citizen. His services were not confined to America, but

extended to the Orient. Especially are we grateful to him for the

following reasons:

 

“First, for his noble services in bringing to a successful conclusion

the Russo-Japanese war. The Japanese public and the rest of the

world did not comprehend at that time how sturdy were his efforts to

attain the result, but we who knew the inside facts regarding the war

situation in Manchuria felt that our good friend Roosevelt secured a

just peace--fair to both parties.

 

“Second, we are thankful for his extraordinary success in settling the

friction between the United States and Japan over the San Francisco

school incident in 1906.

 

“Most unusual was it for a President of the United States to say

that he would use every power within his control to secure a right

settlement. The ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ was the result.

 

“Third, we are deeply appreciative likewise of the fair appraisal he

made of Japan’s part in the World War. Few Americans are apprised as

to the extent of Japan’s participation in the war. But this remarkable

man fully comprehended and in many published articles gave full credit

to the stanch, honest co-operation Japan gave to her allies and to the

United States.”

 

In 1906 Roosevelt again went contrary to the plans of the German

government in the Algeciras affair. Possessing the pledge of the German

Emperor to accept his decision in this international dispute, he made a

decision that, while just, went against Germany.

 

It is an interesting commentary, however, upon his success as a

diplomat that when he came to settle the war between Japan and Russia

he induced the Kaiser to help him in an appeal to the rulers of the

warring countries.

 

Later on, when he was touring Europe, Roosevelt had the unique

experience of watching the maneuvers of the German troops, in company

with the Kaiser, whom he had thwarted. On this occasion he heard

himself thus addressed by the Hohenzollern:

 

“My friend Roosevelt, I am glad to welcome you, a most distinguished

American. You are the first civilian who has ever reviewed German

soldiers.”

 

[Illustration: COPYRIGHT, UNDERWOOD & UNDERWOOD

 

FAMILY GROUP, TAKEN WHILE ROOSEVELT WAS GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK.

THEODORE, JR. APPEARS IN THE BACKGROUND. BESIDE HIM IS ALICE (NOW

MRS. NICHOLAS LONGWORTH). WITH MRS. ROOSEVELT ARE KERMIT AND ETHEL

(NOW MRS. RICHARD DERBY). THE GOVERNOR HOLDS ARCHIE IN HIS ARMS.

QUENTIN WAS BORN A FEW YEARS LATER

]

 

 

 

 

XI

 

Roosevelt’s Political Victories

 

 

There is a phrase, attributed to Napoleon, to the effect that God

fights on the side of the big battalions. There is a truth in the

saying that applies to big men, just as well as to big armies.

 

Fate seemed to battle on the side of Theodore Roosevelt through every

step of his political career, though a study of the man shows that by

his superhuman energy he himself was almost always the creator and

molder of the circumstances that seemed to advance him.

 

When Roosevelt, at twenty-three, determined to enter politics, the

political cards were stacked against him.

 

When, moved by a desire to belong to the governing class instead of to

the governed, he told his folks that he wanted to join the Republican

Club as his first step in politics, he relates that they told him that

he would meet the groom and the saloonkeeper there; that in addition

politics were low and that for this reason no gentleman could afford

to join with such men in ward affairs.

 

Roosevelt was as ready then with an answer as he was in later life. “If

that is so,” he replied, according to his close friend, Jacob Riis,

“the groom and the saloonkeeper are the governing class and you confess

weakness. You have all the chances, the education, the position,

and you let them rule you. They must be better men!” He went to the

Republican Club, leaving his would-be advisers dolefully shaking their heads.