The life of Midhat Pasha 27

The life of Midhat Pasha 27

CHAPTER VII

 

MIDHAT PASHA IN EUROPE

 

 

The exile of Midhat Pasha to Europe, after his sensational downfall

from power on 5th February 1877, caused very much excitement in Europe.

The Emperor of Austria is reported to have exclaimed, “Good Heavens!

these Turks are incorrigible!”; while M. Thiers said, “Turkey’s most

inveterate enemy could hardly have devised such a diabolical piece of

advice to give to the Sultan.” The Cabinets lost all hope of seeing

reforms introduced into Turkey. The English, as well as the greater

part of the European Press, showed their sympathy towards the ex‐Grand

Vizier and their discontent with the Sultan. Amongst the Russian

newspapers the _Golos_ of St Petersburg, 9th February 1877, whilst

clearly showing the interest that Russia had in the disgrace of Midhat

Pasha, yet expressed its opinions in the following manner:—

 

 

“The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. All that is now

wanted is patience, and waiting is not difficult, since war is

impossible with a State which will perish more quickly by the effect

of its internal crisis than through a foreign army. Russia will

have time enough to save the Christians from the misfortune that

might befall them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the

advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait and see

how the course of Turkish decay will shape itself than to prolong the

process of dissolution by interference.”[20]

 

 

The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the Ministry, also

caused the very greatest commotion throughout the greater part of the

Turkish population.[21] But the Sultan had taken every precaution

against the possibility of any insurrection on the part of the people

in favour of the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble

Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being considered

even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and to show that the

downfall of Midhat by no means involved the abolition of the recently

promulgated Constitution, he opened Parliament.

 

The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed for the 1st March,

but owing to the fact that many of the deputies from the more distant

provinces had not arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned

till the 4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with great

ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche.

 

On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high functionaries,

the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and members of the Council of

State; on the left, the Ulema, and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts

of Justice, with the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of

the Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, and

interspersed between the groups on the right and left of the throne

were the Senators and Representatives in the Parliament. The Sultan

entered, dressed in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his

sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening Speech:—

 

 

_The Sultan’s Speech._

 

“SENATORS AND DEPUTIES,—GENTLEMEN,—The difficulties and dangers

which our general situation presents cannot be compared to any of

the crises through which the Empire has hitherto passed. I was

obliged, first of all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire,

to augment the effective force of our armies at various points,

and to call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered it a

duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an end, with

God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and thus to insure

our future in a permanent fashion. It is evident that, thanks to

the resources with which Providence has endowed our country, and

the aptitudes of our subjects, a good administration would enable

us in a short time to make considerable progress. If we have not

reached the level of progress of other parts of the civilised

world, the cause of this must be traced to the instability of the

institutions necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations

issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything,

being in the hands of an absolute Government, which disregarded the

salutary principle of common deliberation. The progress effected

by civilised States, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the

fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in

the administration of public affairs. This is why we thought it

necessary to seek in that course the means of arriving at progress,

and of enacting and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of

the population. For this purpose I have granted and promulgated the

Constitution. By the promulgation of the Constitution, I have not

simply designed to invite the population to share in the direction

of public affairs; I have had the firm resolution of employing the

deliberative system as an effective means for the amelioration

of the administrative system of the country, to preserve it from

maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these fundamental

advantages, the Constitution guarantees the unity of the governed,

and confirms the principle of the welfare and fraternal solidarity

of the population; for our illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s

grace, extended their possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have

combined under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples

being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable that

a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I give thanks to

Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration being at length

realised. Henceforth all my subjects will be considered children of

the same country, and will be placed under the protection of one law.

They will be designated by the name borne by the illustrious race

of the Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the glorious

annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm conviction that from

this moment all my subjects will unite their efforts to make the

name Osmanli retain the force and power hitherto surrounding it.

I am therefore resolved, in view of this ideal and these reasons,

not to deviate from the course which I have just adopted, and ever

to adhere closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent

co‐operation, in order to derive legitimate benefit from the

Constitution, which is based on justice and the public security. I

have deemed it necessary to insure to all the advantages of liberty

and equality, to abolish the system of arbitrariness, to enact

and execute laws adopted in common accord with the population,

and, lastly, to found our administrative system on constitutional

and liberal principles. It is in order to realise this sincere

desire that I have created and convoked your body, composed of the

Senate and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you faithfully

and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties intrusted to your

patriotism. In this task you should not be influenced by any personal

considerations, but have in view only the faithful maintenance of

the safety and welfare of the State and country. The improvements

which we now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are

of the highest importance. The gradual application of these measures

depends on the accord which shall prevail among you. The Council of

State is engaged in framing Bills which will be submitted to you. In

the present Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing

Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General Law respecting

the Vilayets and the Government of the Communes, the Municipal Law,

the Civil Code of Procedure; the laws relative to the re‐organisation

of the Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating Judges,

the Law concerning the functions and retiring pensions of all public

functionaries in general, the Law of the Press, that respecting the

Court of Accounts, and, lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these

different Bills be successively studied and discussed. You will have

especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of the

Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, and with

the formation of the _gendarmerie_. In order to attain this end, it

will be necessary to augment the amount of special grants for these

two branches of the Service. As you will see from the Budget which

will be submitted to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely

difficult situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common

measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation and to

restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take measures to

insure the supply of funds required for urgent reforms. One of the

greatest wants of our Empire and of our subjects is the development

of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and

of public wealth. This result can only be obtained by means of the

development of public instruction. Measures with the object of

improving educational establishments, and of fixing the programme of

studies, will be submitted to the Chambers in the Session of next

year. The Imperial Government attaches the greatest importance to

the choice and appointment of the functionaries who will be called

upon to apply and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which

will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the Constitution.

Since my accession to the Throne I have given particular attention

to this question. It is for this reason that I have decided on

instituting, at my own expense, a special school for the education

of administrative officials. As stated by the published organic

regulations of that school, they will be admitted to the highest

administrative and political posts. The pupils will be selected

without distinction of religion, from all classes of my subjects.

Their promotion will be according to the degree of their capacity.

For nearly two years we have had to face internal complications.

During this period, especially during the hostilities with Servia and

Montenegro, our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism,

and our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of

courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In all questions

we have only had the defence of our rights in view. The efforts we

have made for this purpose have had the result of restoring peace

with Servia. As to the decision we shall take in the negotiations

with Montenegro, it will be referred to your deliberations at their

first sitting. I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations

with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy and deference

which are among the most precious rules for our State. Several months

ago the Government of England proposed the meeting of a Conference in

our capital for the consideration of the present questions. The bases

proposed being also supported by the other Great Powers, our Sublime

Porte consented to the meeting of the Conference. Though a definite

understanding was not obtained in that Conference, we have given

proofs of our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels

of friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement of the

Conference, these lay rather in the form and the mode of execution

than in the substance. I thoroughly appreciate the imperative

necessity of continuing the efforts for progress, by which so much

has already been achieved, from the origin of the _Tanzimat_ till

this time, in all branches of the administration, and in the general

condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards that

object. But on this occasion I considered it my duty to preserve the

country from all attacks on its honour and independence. Time will

prove the sincerity of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases

to maintain our rights and independence, we adopt also for the future

the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that the proofs of

moderation and sincerity furnished by our State, before and after the

Conference, will have served to strengthen the bonds of friendship

and sympathy which unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers.

May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common efforts!”

 

 

Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to keep his word

and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but he now left no means untried

in order to deprive the people of the privilege which he had just

granted them. It so happened that events occurred which furnished

him with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with the

greatest astuteness, and which were very much to the detriment of the

nation.

 

The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to accept the

propositions formulated at the Conference had placed Turkey in an

exceedingly critical position, although the whole civilised world, with

the exception of Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced that

this refusal was of no great importance, since the solemnly proclaimed

Constitution had assured the Empire that the necessary reforms should

be made, and that the maladministration should be brought to an end.

Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to whom the empire

owed this Constitution, gave rise to doubt as to the execution of

the promised reforms. On 19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his

Circular to the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were begun by Russia.