The life of Midhat Pasha 31

The life of Midhat Pasha 31

I am proud of sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or in any country

whatsoever. There exists only one means to effect the improvement of

the state of the Province, and that is the appointment of a capable

and honest Vali, to whom would be accorded full power to apply all

the administrative and financial reforms, as well as the works of

public utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the

populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of Bagdad,

the military force must be placed in the hands of the Vali in order

to concentrate all the converging powers to this sole aim. I only

venture to make these proposals on the strength of the invitation

given me by the Imperial command.—I am, etc.,

 

“(Signed) MIDHAT.

 

“_11th October 1295, O.S._”

(_23rd October 1879._)

 

 

_Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary._

 

“YOUR HIGHNESS,—Your reply telegram, which has only just arrived,

has been submitted to His Majesty, who was much gratified to hear

that you declare yourself proud to be able to sacrifice your life

in His Majesty’s service. I have been ordered to communicate the

imperial compliments to you, and to inform you that in two or three

days someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to furnish

you with the instructions and Irades relating to the contents of Your

Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc.,

 

 

“(Signed) ALI FUAD.

 

“_12th October 1295, O.S._”

(_24th October 1879._)

 

 

Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the resignation of

Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the choice between his resignation

and the desired reforms, and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the

general re‐organisation of the province.

 

 

_To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha._

 

“YOUR HIGHNESS,—Exhausted after a continuous service of the State

of nearly forty years, and further weakened by my age which is

nearly sixty, my sole desire, prior to my return from Europe, was

to withdraw myself from all public affairs. The permission, which

I obtained from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with

my family, was the favour which I most desired. But His Majesty,

recollecting my former services and deigning to believe that I should

be able once more to devote myself to the work, was graciously

pleased to appoint me to the Governorship of Syria. Although worn out

both mentally and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the

imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my duties.

 

“Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of Secretary in

this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I had been there on a

temporary mission. Thus I had a certain knowledge of the manners

of the inhabitants. Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my

return there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative

and Political Government of this province. As France was protecting

the Lebanese, England found herself obliged to protect the Druses;

the Americans were founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi,

in order to create there a sphere of influence for themselves.

Whilst the Germans, under the name of _Colonies_, were peopling

Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, who cherished

analogous schemes, had constructed a school and a church at Jaffa,

in order that they might have their share. All these influences

produced the very worst effect on the country, for one party of the

Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, whilst another

party are seeking foreign protection, and meanwhile the Mussulmans

can only marvel at the disorder. Now, although it is incumbent upon

the State to reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these

exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of the war,

the only orders sent from the Central Authority consist of demands

for money, and for men for the Army. This state of things has opened

the door to every abuse under the sun, and both law and order have

been completely neglected. The officials of every rank, with some

few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and the

result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so disastrous,

that murders and robbery are the order of the day, and there is no

security to property. To go no further than Tripoli, in Syria, during

the last four years I myself have seen no fewer than ninety cases

of murder, theft and pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna

alone; and not one single case has ever been brought to judgment.

The thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, whilst

innocent people are detained, without being previously tried, and

are subjected to penalties varying from eight to ten years. I have

myself, this time, liberated several prisoners of this category,

and I abstain from mentioning the administration of the districts

dependent on the Kaimakam of Dehle.

 

“As to the financial state of the province, it is most deplorable,

and, as I have already had the honour of showing you, in a previous

letter, the public revenues are reduced to one half; the country has

been ruined by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have

desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of the paper

money having been to reduce the revenues by one half, one is appalled

at the acknowledged deficit. This enumeration is a faithful _résumé_

of the state of the vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the

first to complain, whilst at the same time, they are just those who

have the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance

of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition of

affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers will place the

administration of the vilayet of Anatolia in the hands of foreign

officials, under the pretext of the introduction of reforms. And,

as the schemes of foreigners for Syria are well‐known, to accept

their conditions, based upon the maladministration denounced by the

European newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their

favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the Cabinets

of Europe.

 

“Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power to bring some

order into the affairs of the vilayet and to avoid the dangers I

have detailed above. With your support, the question of the central

district might be arranged, but the improvement of the province

is not even then accomplished. There still remains the great

difficulty of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on

an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above all, of

putting an end to the extortions of the officials, who, in addition

to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, do still more to discredit

the Government in the eyes of both the natives and of the foreigners.

In a word, it would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public

opinion by the application of existing laws.

 

“The actual state of things having reached this point, the laws,

which are at present being deliberated upon in the Council of

Ministers, should be elaborated and applied in all the provinces of

the Empire, taking into consideration the manners and customs of each

province.

 

“It would be a complete mistake to believe that this state of things

can continue, and it is quite insupportable to me to know the remedy

for the evil and yet not to be able to apply it, and above all to

acquiesce wittingly in the harm caused by the present administration.

 

“I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above observations to

Your Highness.—I am, etc.,

 

“MIDHAT.

 

“_17th March 1295, O.S._”

(_29th March 1879._)

 

 

Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat to apply these

measures of amelioration, which he considered indispensable, refrained

from giving his sanction to them, and the troubles which broke out, in

the middle of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran,

obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the conflict from

taking a turn which might have led to foreign intervention. The causes

of these troubles and the attitude of the Palace and of the Government

are shown in the following correspondence with Midhat Pasha.

 

 

_Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha._

 

“YOUR HIGHNESS,—It is necessary to give Your Highness details of

the affair of Hauran, for which you ask in your telegram of the 3rd

October. The Djébéli Druse (Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja

are inhabited entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt

these people have completely lost all respect for the Government,

to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but all the

crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood arise from their

insubordination and opposition to authority. Last year they captured

the English post, and those people who attacked the caravan at

Iki‐kapoulu this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some

of the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it has

been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. This district

being exempt from all taxation, it has become the haunt of brigands,

and of all those who wish to live as such; those who have committed

a crime, deserters, or good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all

have sought refuge here for the last five or six years, until the

mountain is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, put

the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment they have

conquered seventeen villages. They provoke quarrels and massacres

for the most trivial causes, in order that they may be able to lay

hands on other villages in succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having

now adopted the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the

beginning of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of Adjloun,

of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, and were prepared

to march against the Druses. The officials who were sent to the

place were able to prevail upon the Hauranians, by their counsels,

to abandon their plans and to obey the orders of the Government,

but they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of acts of

brigandage being brought to justice and punished. The Druses,

meanwhile, will listen to no representations, and remain with a

force of several thousand armed men, in the face of the Hauranians.

Although we learn that the Commandant of the troops which were sent,

has been in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them

back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted with the

result, and for further details you should apply to the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc.,