The life of Midhat Pasha 23

The life of Midhat Pasha 23

Although it was contrary to custom for a Grand Vizier to pay an

official visit to the religious communities, Midhat Pasha went the

following day to the Greek and Armenian Patriarchs and to the Jewish

Chief Rabbi, to thank them for their __EXPRESSION__s of rejoicing at the

new Constitution. He was received with enthusiasm by the patriarchs,

and the Christian populace threw flowers in his way. The Grand Vizier

made speeches in which he declared that he recognised no distinctions

between Mussulmans and Christians, as they were all children of the

same country, urging that all should work together as brothers to

promote the progress of their country, under one flag, and by the aid

of the new liberty pronounced by His Majesty the Sultan.

 

 

 

 

CHAPTER VI

 

THE CONFERENCE AND MIDHAT’S EXILE

 

 

The day fixed for the first plenary meeting of the Conference of

Constantinople was the same as that chosen for the promulgation of the

Constitution. That there was a purpose in the simultaneous occurrence

of the two events admits of no doubt; but to conclude from that fact,

as has been disingenuously argued, that the Constitution was a mere

device to defeat the ends of the Conference, is, of course, absurd, and

has been conclusively disproved.

 

On the 23rd December (1876), accordingly, the envoys and

plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers met in the handsome building

of the Admiralty on the Golden Horn, in the large hall that had been

prepared for their reception, to discuss with the Turkish envoys

the condition of the Christian provinces of the empire. There were

present, Count Zichy and Baron Calice representing Austro‐Hungary;

Count Chaudordy and Count Bourgoing representing France; Baron Werther

representing Germany; Lord Salisbury and Sir Henry Elliot representing

Great Britain; General Ignatieff representing Russia, and Edhem Pasha

and Safvet Pasha representing the Empire that was to be placed on the

dissecting table.

 

Scarcely had the preliminary formalities been concluded, when from

across the Bosphorus, at the Seraskierate, was heard the booming of the

first gun that announced the proclamation of the new Constitution.

Thereupon a somewhat dramatic scene—that, no doubt, had been arranged

beforehand—was enacted. Safvet Pasha arose in his place, and,

addressing the assembled plenipotentiaries, said: “Gentlemen, the

cannon that you hear across the Bosphorus notifies the commencement

of the promulgation by His Majesty the Sultan of a Constitution

guaranteeing equal rights and constitutional liberties to all the

subjects of the Empire alike; and in the presence of this great event,

I think our labours become superfluous.”

 

This little speech of the Turkish Envoy was received by the assembly in

chilling silence. The somewhat theatrical _coup_ had evidently missed

its effect. After a few moments’ dead silence, General Ignatieff moved

that the Conference should proceed with the business of the day. The

proceedings themselves were not lengthy. The envoys of the Great Powers

had been a whole month in Constantinople holding unofficial meetings

among themselves, from which the Turkish delegates were studiously

excluded; and the programme to be followed and the policy to be

enforced had all been arranged before the official meeting took place.

The object of this somewhat unusual proceeding was clear. Turkey was

to be given to understand that it had to do with a veritable Concert

of Europe, which, however much it might minimise the demands made by

one of the Powers interested, would insist unanimously on substantial

concessions from the Porte, and that the latter must in consequence

dismiss any hope or expectation of dissensions or jealousies breaking

out between the Powers.

 

The achievement of this unanimity was intended as the master‐stroke of

Lord Salisbury’s policy. He did not imagine then, though he probably

has realised it since, that the _rôle_ he was playing at Constantinople

had been carefully prepared for him at Vienna, and that the success

of his efforts was simply the triumph of Count Andrassy’s policy.

What remained for the Conference to do was, not to discuss measures,

but to formulate decisions. There was, at any rate, this advantage in

such a summary method: the agony would not be prolonged. The business

of the Conference began, like a Dutch auction, with a maximum opening

bid on the part of the Russian envoy. He proposed the autonomy of

the province of Bulgaria, the appointment of a Christian Vali, the

formation of a national militia, and the confinement of Turkish troops

within the limits of certain fixed fortresses. The Turkish envoys

having declared these proposals entirely inadmissible and beyond

the sphere of discussion, the proposal was modified to what General

Ignatieff designated “un minimum extrême et irreductible,” viz., that

Bulgaria should be endowed with a special privileged government, and

with an international commission to watch the administration, and that

the appointment of its Governor should be submitted to the approval

of the Great Powers. To this proposal, again, the Turkish envoys

demurred, pointing out that the examples of Servia and Roumania, to

which special privileged governments had been conceded with the other

special arrangements now proposed for Bulgaria, were not encouraging

precedents for a repetition of a similar experiment in Bulgaria: that

the Mahomedan population in the above‐named States had not been treated

with the equality and liberality promised and stipulated for, but had

found themselves under the necessity of emigrating _en masse_ from

those countries, and that even the extreme concessions made to these

States, removing all shadow of pretext for complaint, had not deterred

them from joining the enemies of the Empire, or intriguing against it

whenever the opportunity occurred.

 

Eventually, after a heated and rather academical passage of arms

between Edhem Pasha and Count Chaudordy, a further modification

was made in the proposals, but not without a protest from General

Ignatieff, who said: “You are plucking all my feathers out of me,” to

which Count Chaudordy replied, with pregnant truth, “You will always

have plenty left, General.” The finally irreducible minimum proposed

was to the effect that a Consular Commission should be appointed to

aid the local authorities, and that the Valis of the three provinces,

Bulgaria, Herzegovina and Bosnia, should be appointed subject to the

assent of the Great Powers, during the first five years.

 

The Turkish envoys, however, could not agree to this proposal either.

They pointed out that the appointment of the Consular Commission was

an infringement of the sovereign rights of the nation, _which it was

beyond their competence to acquiesce in_, and that over and above

this difficulty the proposal was open to the practical objection that

an exceptional situation created for those provinces would cause

discontent in all the other provinces of the empire, and lead to

unrest, and probably disturbance, in some of them; and they again

pointed out that the moment seemed singularly ill‐chosen for insisting

on special privileges for a portion of the Empire, when the Sultan had

just promulgated a charter containing the largest possible measure

of liberty and equal rights to all his subjects without distinction

throughout every portion of the Empire.

 

This declaration of _non possumus_ on the part of the Turkish delegates

was followed by a most violent speech from General Ignatieff,

immediately after which the assembly broke up without even listening

to the protest that the Ottoman delegates were prepared to make to the

speech of the Russian envoy.

 

The last modified proposal was embodied in an Ultimatum delivered to

the Porte by the envoys collectively, to which an answer was required

within a week. At the expiration of that time, if the answer was not

satisfactory, they declared their intention of quitting Constantinople.

 

On the news of what had occurred becoming known, the conduct of the

Turkish delegates was generally approved of throughout the Empire.

Christians and Mahomedans vied with each other in sending patriotic

addresses to the capital, and a battalion of Christian volunteers was

raised, at their own expense, and marched to the Servian frontier,

where they distinguished themselves greatly, let it be said in passing,

by their courage and devotion.

 

Midhat, in the meantime, by the Sultan’s order, had convened a Grand

Council of 237 persons, composed of all nationalities and notabilities,

to whom the final propositions of the Conference were submitted.

 

Midhat made a speech to the notabilities, in which he pointed out the

consequences of the rejection of the terms in question, and told them

clearly that unless they were prepared to face this _ultima ratio_,

they had no alternative but to accept the terms of the Conference.

After listening attentively to this speech, the Grand Council, by a

practically unanimous vote, amidst very considerable enthusiasm decided

on the rejection of the Ultimatum. The foreign envoys accordingly

left the capital on 20th January (1877). So ended the Conference of

Constantinople.

 

It is necessary here to recall the fact that Midhat during the

Conference sent the patriot Odian Effendi to London to communicate

to Lord Derby the occurrence which had recently taken place in his

country, and to add that as the Powers had not insisted on the carrying

out of the proposals formulated by Russia, which were found to be

impracticable in the present condition of Turkey, it was hoped that

the Powers would take the new Constitution under their protection, and

see to its execution in practice. The following despatch from Lord

Derby to Lord Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot shows the result of this

step:—

 

 

_The Earl of Derby to the Marquis of Salisbury and Sir H. Elliot._

 

“FOREIGN OFFICE,

 

“10_th January_ 1877.

 

“MY LORD AND SIR,—Odian Effendi called upon me this afternoon by

appointment, and spoke to me again of the impossibility which his

Government felt of accepting the proposals made to them in the

Conference.

 

“There might, he said, be concessions on both sides in regard to the

reforms, but the question of the guarantees would still remain, and

offered insuperable difficulties.

 

“Under these circumstances he was anxious to make a personal

suggestion, which he thought might offer a mode of arrangement, and

which he understood that Midhat Pasha was ready to adopt. It was that

the Constitution recently decreed by the Sultan should be brought

to the cognizance of the Powers in a form which should make its

execution a matter of international obligation between the Porte and

them, and that the organisation of the provincial administrations

to be drawn up by the Turkish Ministers should, after receiving the

approval of the Powers, be made a portion of the general plan, and

embodied in the same agreement.

 

“The whole system of reforms granted by the Sultan to his subjects

would thus be placed under the guarantee of the Powers, who would

have a right to watch over the manner in which it was carried out.

 

“Odian Effendi wished to know whether this proposal would be

favourably received by Her Majesty’s Government, and whether I

thought there would be any use in the Porte bringing it forward in the Conference.