2015년 11월 5일 목요일

Mental Evolution in Man 25

Mental Evolution in Man 25


To this it may be answered that the talking birds might be looked to
as the possibleor even probablerivals of articulating mammals in
respect of potential intelligence; and, therefore, that according to
the views which I am advocating, it might have been expected that there
should now be existing upon the earth some race of bird-like creatures
ready to dispute the supremacy of man.
 
This, however, would be a very shallow criticism. The veriest tyro in
natural science is aware that, if there is any truth at all in the
general theory of descent, we are everywhere compelled to see that
the conditions which determine the development of a species in any
direction are always of a complex character. Why one species should
remain constant through inconceivably enormous lapses of geological
time, while others pass through a rich and varied history of upward
changewhy this should be so in any case we cannot say. We can only
say, in general terms, that the conditions which in any case determine
upward growth or stationary type are too numerous and complex to admit
of our unravelling them in detail. Now, if this is the case even as
between the structures of allied typeswhere there may be nothing
to indicate the difference of the conditions which have led to the
difference of results,much more must it be the case between animals
so unlike as a parrot and an ape. I think he would be a bold man who
would affirm that even if the orang-outang had been able to articulate,
this ape would necessarily, or probably, have become the progenitor of
another human race. Absurd, then, it is to argue that, if the human
race sprang from some other species of man-like creature, and became
human in virtue of the power of articulation _plus_ all the other
conditions external and internal, therefore the talking birds ought
to have developed some similar progeny, merely because they happen to
satisfy one of these conditions.
 
Take a fair analogy. Flying is no doubt a very useful faculty to all
animals which present it, and it is shown to be mechanically possible
in animals so unlike one another as Insects, Reptiles, Birds, and
Mammals. We might therefore suppose that, from the fact of bats being
able to fly, many other mammals should have acquired the art. But, as
they have not done so, we can only say that the reason is because the
complex conditions leading to the growth of this faculty have been
satisfied in the bats alone. Similarly “the flight of thought” is a
most useful faculty, and it has only been developed in man. One of the
conditions required for its developmentpower of articulationoccurs
also in a few birds. But to argue from this that these birds ought to
have developed the faculty of thought, would be just as unwarrantable
as to argue that some other mammals ought to have developed the faculty
of flight, seeing that they all present the most important of the
needful conditionsto wit, bones and muscles actuated by nerves.
Indeed, the argument would be even more unwarranted than this; for we
can see plainly enough that the most important conditions required
for the development of thought are of a psychological and social
kindthose which are merely anatomical being but of secondary value,
even though, as I have endeavoured to indicate, they are none the less
indispensable.
 
In short, I am not endeavouring to argue that the influence of
articulation on the development of thought is in any way _magical_.
Therefore, the mere fact that certain birds are able to make articulate
sounds in itself furnishes no more difficulty to my argument than the
fact that they are able to imitate a variety of other sounds. For the
_psychological_ use of articulate sounds can only be developed in the
presence of many other and highly complex conditions, few if any of
which can be shown to obtain among birds. If any existing species
of anthropoid ape had proved itself capable of imitating articulate
sounds, there might have been a little more force in the apparent
difficulty; though even in that case the argument would not have been
so strong as in the above parallel with regard to the great exception
furnished by bats in the matter of flight.
 
So far, then, as we have yet gone, I do not anticipate that opponents
wall find it prudent to take a stand. Seeing that monkeys use their
voices more freely than any other animals in the way of intentionally
expressive intonation; that all the higher animals make use of gesture
signs; that denotative words are (psychologically considered) nothing
more than vocal gestures; that, if there is any psychological interval
between simple gesticulation and denotative articulation, the interval
is demonstrably bridged in the case alike of talking birds, infants,
and idiots;seeing all these things, it is evident that opponents
of the doctrine of mental evolution must take their stand, not on
the faculty of _articulation_, but on that of _speech_. They must
maintain that the mere power of using denotative words implies no
real advance upon the power of using denotative gestures; that it
therefore establishes nothing to prove the possibility, or even the
probability, of articulation arising out of gesticulation; that their
position can only be attacked by showing how a sign-making faculty,
whether expressed in gesticulation or in articulation, can have become
developed into the faculty of predication; that, in short, the fortress
of their argument consists, not in the power which man displays of
using denotative words, but in his power of constructing predicative
propositions. This central position, therefore, we must next attack.
But, before doing so, I will close the present chapter by clearly
defining the exact meanings of certain terms as they will afterwards be
used by me.
 
By the _indicative_ stage of language, or sign-making, I will
understand the earliest stage that is exhibited by intentional
sign-making. This stage corresponds to the divisions marked four
and six in my representative scheme (p. 88), and, as we have now
so fully seen, is common to animals and human beings. Indicative
signs, then, whether in the form of gestures, tones, or words, are
intentionally significant. For the most part they are expressive of
emotional states, and simple desires. When, for example, an infant
holds out its arms to be taken by the nurse, or points to objects
in order to be taken to them, it cannot be said to be _naming_
anything; yet it is clearly _indicating_ its wants. Infants also cry
_intentionally_, or as a partly conventional sign to show discomfort,
whether bodily or mental.[92] They will likewise at an early age learn
wholly conventional signs whereby to indicatethough not yet to
nameparticular feelings, objects, qualities, and actions. My son, for
instance, was taught by his nurse to shake his head for “No,” nod it
for “Yes,” and wave his hand for “Ta-ta,” or leave-taking: all these
indicative gestures he performed well and appropriately when eight and
a half months old. This indicative stage of language, or sign-making,
is universally exhibited by all the more intelligent animals, although
not to so great an extent as in infants. The parrot which depresses its
head to invite a scratching, the dog which begs before a wash-stand,
the cat which pulls one’s clothes to solicit help for her kittens in
distressall these animals are making what I call _indicative_ signs.
 
Following upon the indicative stage of language there is what I have
called _denotative_ (7 A in the scheme on p. 88). This likewise occurs
both in animals and in children when first beginning to speaktalking
birds, for instance, being able to learn and correctly use names as
_notæ_, or marks, of particular objects, qualities, and actions. Yet
such _notæ_be they verbal or otherwisethus learned by special
association, are not, strictly speaking, _names_. By the use of such
a sign the talking bird merely affixes a vocal mark to a particular
object, quality, or action: it does not _extend_ the sign to any
other similar objects, qualities, or actions of the same class; and,
therefore, by its use of that sign does not really _connote_ anything
of the particular object, quality, or action which it _denotes_.
 
So much, then, for signs as _denotative_. By signs as _connotative_,
I mean signs which are in any measure _attributive_. If we call a dog
Jack, that is a denotative name: it does not attribute any quality as
belonging to that dog. But if we call the animal “Smut,” or “Swift,” or
by any other word serving to imply some quality which is distinctive
of that dog, we are thereby connoting of the dog the fact of his
presenting such a quality. Connotative names, therefore, differ from
denotative, in that they are not merely _notæ_ or marks of the things
named, but also imply some character, or characters, as belonging
to those things. And the character, or characters, which they thus
imply, by the mere fact of implication, assign the things named to a
_group_: hence these connotative names are _con-notæ_, or the marking
of one thing _along with_ another_i.e._ express an act of nominative
_classification_. This is an important fact to remember, because, as
we shall afterwards find, all connotative terms arise from the need
which we experience of thus verbally classifying our perceptions of
likeness or analogy. Moreover, it is of even still more importance
to note that such verbal classification may be either receptual or
conceptual. For instance, the first word (after _Mamma_, _Papa_,
&c.) that one of my children learnt to say was the word _Star_. Soon
after having acquired this word, she extended its signification to
other brightly shining objects, such as candles, gas-lights, &c. Here
there was plainly a perception of likeness or analogy, and hence the
term _Star_, from having been originally denotative, began to be also
connotative. But this connotative extension of the term must evidently
have been what I term receptual. For it is impossible to suppose that
at that tender age the child was capable of thinking about the term
_as_ a term, or of setting the term before the mind as an object of
thought, distinct from the object which it served to name. Therefore,
we can only suppose that the extension of this originally denotative
name (whereby it began to be connotative) resembled the case of a
similar extension mentioned in the last chapter, where my parrot raised
its originally denotative sign for a particular dog to an incipiently
connotative value, by applying that sign to all other dogs. That is to
say, both in the case of the child and the bird, connotation within
these moderate limits was rendered possible by means of receptual
ideation alone. But, with advancing age and developing powers, the
human mind attains to conceptual ideation; and it is then in a position
to constitute the names which it uses _themselves objects of thought_.
The consequence is that connotation may then no longer represent the
merely spontaneous __EXPRESSION__ of likeness receptually perceived: it
may become the intentional __EXPRESSION__ of likeness conceptually thought
out. In the mind of an astronomer the word _Star_ presents a very
different mass of connotative meaning from that which it presented to
the child, who first extended it from a bright point in the sky to a
candle shining in a room. And the reason of this great difference is,
that the conceptual thought of the astronomer, besides having greatly
_added_ to the connotation, has also greatly _improved_ it. The only
common quality which the name served to connote when used by the child
was that of brightness; but, although the astronomer is not blind to
this point of resemblance between a star and a candle, he disregards
it in the presence of fuller knowledge, and will not apply the term
even to objects so much more closely resembling a star as a comet or a
meteor. Now, this greater _accuracy_ of connotation, quite as much as
the greater _mass_ of it, has been reached by the astronomer in virtue
of his powers of conceptual thought. It is because he has thought about
his names _as_ names that he has thus been able with so much accuracy
to define their meanings_i.e._ to limit their connotations in some
directions, as well as to extend them in others.
 
Obviously, therefore, we are here in the presence of a great
distinction, and one which needs itself to be in some way connoted.
It is, indeed, but a special exhibition of the one great distinction
which I have carried through the whole course of this worknamely,
that between ideation as receptual and conceptual. But it is none the
less important to designate this special exhibition of it by means of
well-defined terms; and I can only express surprise that such should
not already have been done by logicians. The terms which I shall use
are the following.
 
By a connotative name I will understand the connotative extension of
a denotative name, whether such extension be great or small, and,
therefore, whether it be extended receptually or conceptually. But
for the _exclusively conceptual_ extension of a name I will reserve
the convenient term _denomination_. This term, like those previously
defined, was introduced by the schoolmen, and by them was used as
synonymous with connotation. But it is evident that they (and all
subsequent writers) only had before their minds the case of conceptual
connotation, and hence they felt no need of the distinction which
for present purposes it is obviously imperative to draw. Now, I do
not think that any two more appropriate words could be found whereby
to express this distinction than are these words _connotation_ and
_denomination_, if for the purposes of my own subsequent analysis I am
allowed to define them in accordance with their etymology. For, when so
defined, a connotative sign will mean a _classificatory_ sign, whether
conferred receptually or conceptually; while a denominative sign will mean a connotative sign which has been conferred as such _with a truly conceptual intention__i.e._ with an introspective appreciation of its function as all that logicians understand by a _name_.

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